'Illegal Community'? Social Networks of Revolutionary Populism in Russia in the 1870s (original) (raw)

Criminal Justice Perspective on Social Groups: the Eighteenth-Century Dubrovnik case

Dubrovnik Annals 4 (2000)

Various aspects of the criminal justice system of the eighteenth- century Republic of Dubrovnik (criminality, out-of-court settlements, penalties and other repressive measures, etc.) are analyzed in order to reach some conclusions about social groups, their shape, and cohesion. The village and the household in rural areas, as well as the Jewish community in the city, were groups with especially strong and multifaceted social ties. For this reason, they were not only a natural environment for violent crimes to rise, but also a suitable target of the repressive policy.

Citizen-Led Justice in Post-Communist Russia: From Comrades’ Courts to Dotcomrade Vigilantism

Surveillance & Society , 2018

This paper aims to provide a theoretical conceptualization of digital vigilantism in its manifestation in the Russian Federation where cases do not emerge spontaneously, but are institutionalized, highly organized, and systematic. Given the significant historical context of collective justice under Communism, the current manifestation of digital vigilantism in Russia raises questions about whether it is an example of re-packaged history backed with collective memory or a natural outspread of conventional practices to social networks. This paper reviews historical practices of citizen-led justice in the Soviet state and compares these practices with digital vigilantism that takes place in contemporary post-Communist Russia. The paper argues that despite new affordances that digital media and social networks brought about in the sphere of citizen-led justice, the role of the state in manifesting this justice in the Russian Federation remains significant. At the same time, with technological advances, certain key features of these practices, such as participants, their motives, capacity, targets, and audience engagement have undergone a significant evolution.

Exemplifying political ideas Russian revolutionary circles before 1917

Focaal, 2021

Contradictions lie at the heart of revolutionary groups operating in underground conditions: how can the trust and secrecy of the circle be combined with spreading the message to far-fl ung masses? Can the ideals for the future society be manifested in the way the revolutionaries are themselves organized? Th is paper examines the disputes on these questions that raged among Russian radicals before 1917, which are important because of their subsequent global infl uence. It analyzes the dynamical changes in the forms taken by certain major revolutionary circles, and argues that the diff erentiated social forms, which morphed via crucial decisions from their origin in egalitarian multi-voiced circles, stemmed from the internal debate that was essential to the circle and was to a great extent an outcome of the philosophical and revolutionary ideas espoused.

Organizational-Legal Bases of the Interaction between the Police and the Population in the Russian Empire (XVIII century

Implementation of a permanent police function has become an urgent necessity in the XVIII century for the Russian Empire. In this article the author has set a goal to consider organizational and legal bases of interaction of the police and the population, laid down in the period of formation and development of absolutism in Russia. The contents of this article helps us to reveal the major milestones in the development of law enforcement in the socio-political context of the formative period of the absolute monarchy in the Russian Empire. The basis of this study lay down analysis of the legislation, regulations adopted during the XVIII century, and modern historical and legal research. As demonstrated research, legislation, in the course of the reforms of Peter I, not only created a regular police force in Russia, but also laid the foundation for its interaction with the public. However, the board of each of the subsequent Russian emperors, have different effects on the very structure of law enforcement and its functioning.

Moderate Socialists and the Politics of Crime in Revolutionary Smolensk

Canadian-American Slavic Studies, 2001

Historians generally recognize that crime and the public's fear of crime can be highly charged political issues, and that playing to public perceptions of crime has become an established element of the repertoire of modern political contestation. In Russia, where the tsarist state had severely constricted the practice of politics, the 1917 revolution signified a brief opening up of new forms of political contestation. Interest in the ways that parties practiced politics during the Russian Revolution has been reviving among scholars (perhaps in response to the revitalized study of French revolutionary politics). Did Russian political parties in 1917 use crime and the fear of crime as issues in their contests for local power? The vast literature on 1917 at present does not adequately address this question; in fact, we know very little at all about crime during the Russian Revolution. Certainly, crime looms in the background of the revolution. Crowds who forced open Petrograd's prisons in March, for instance, inadvertently released hundreds of hardened criminals and unleashed a torrent of street crime. Several social historians have noted a relationship between crime and the ' breakdown of urban conditions and speculated that crime might be seen as a form of social protest. Others (most notably, Richard Pipes) have pointed to escalating crime in early 1918 in their indictments of the Bolshevik regime. But only one scholar, Tsuyoshi Hasegawa, has systematically studied crime and policing in 1917.1 Hasegawa argues that rising crime in Petrograd reflected the breakdown of social cohesion, and suggests that studying crime can provide a window on the politics of everyday life. Otherwise, studies of urban revolutionary politics have paid only passing attention to crime. Greater access to archives now allows for further study of urban crime and the politics of crime in 1917. , Abundant militia records, a smaller selection of court records, and 2. Besides the daily newspaper, Smolenskii vestnik, the most useful materials on crime are records of the city's Militia Detective Department in Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv Smolenksoi oblasti (hereafter GASO),/. 578. 3.

Crime, cultural conflict, and justice in rural Russia, 1856-1914

1999

Museum, nevertheless proved cheerful and energetic as they lugged endless piles of musty documents from sometimes crumbling, unlighted, or flooded holding facilities. I am especially grateful to Andrei Nikolaevich Mel'nik, deputy director of the Riazan' oblast' archive, for his assistance and cooperation and for generously sharing his knowledge of this province's history. Many friends and colleagues have provided equally crucial assistance and support during the years of research and writing. In addition to directing the dissertation from which this study began and patiently encouraging its lengthy transformation, Abbott Gleason has remained an unflagging friend and supporter as well as a meticulous reader of its many drafts. At various times throughout its preparation,

CRIME AND LAW AFTER SOVIET REVOLUTION. THE CASE OF PASHUKANIS

Eastern Academic Journal, vol 3, pp 1-5., 2019

Evgeny Pashukanis was an imaginative Marxist, the most imaginative to appear among Soviet scientists of law immediately after the October Revolution. For Westerners Pashukanis works have a fascination, because they trace the evolution of his thought as he tried to bring to bear his sense of what was needed programmatically upon the doctrines as he understood them. In the present we outline the importance of a question confronted but unanswered in Pashukanis' project (and unaddressed, in our time). How, precisely, are we to understand the historical configuration of state and law in social formations where capitalist property has been abolished but where communism has by no means yet been achieved? How are we to resolve the apparent paradox that the legal practices of most, if not all, social formations dominated by the political rule of the proletariat have included the form, and very often the content, of the legal rules typically associated with capitalist models of production?

Popular Justice, Community and Culture among the Russian Peasantry, 1870-1900

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Wiley and The Editors and Board of Trustees of the Russian Review are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Russian Review. Popular Justice, Community and Culture among the Russian Peasantry, 1870-1900 STEPHEN P. FRANK1 "MHp He cyAHM, a ga MHEIpH 6blOT!" "OIHH Bp ceMy MHp pa3opeHbe." "Bop BopyeT, a MHp ropioeT. "BOPOBCTBOM cejia He HanoJIHHIIIb. "KpaaeT BOp H 3aTaBpeHHaro KOHH. " -popular sayings

Blueprints for Change: The Human Sciences and the Coercive Transformation of Deviants in Russia, 1890–1930

Drawing on the writings of criminologists and psychiatrists in the late imperial and early Soviet periods, the article argues that Soviet biopsychological constructions of the socially deviant have their origins in the efforts of tsarist liberals to identify and contain the crime and social disorder that accompanied Russia's modernization. While the historiography has traditionally portrayed the Bolshevik Revolution as a tragic overthrow of liberal ideas and values, the article points to important continuities that span the 1917 divide. In the late imperial period, the human sciences began to categorize individuals who posed a biopsychological threat, a "social danger," to the social order. In the wake of the revolution, these ideas became radicalized under the impact of Soviet Marxism to generate indictments of entire social groups and classes.