Case Marking and Referentiality in Russian Negation Constructions (original) (raw)

2013, Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics

This paper examines the syntactic and semantic consequences of case alternation in Russian negation constructions. It has been argued that accusative case-marked nominals are full DPs and give rise to a referential interpretation, whereas genitive case-marked nominals are NPs, thus, interpreted non-referential . This paper presents analyses of empirical data which indicate that, while the syntactic consequences of case alternation in negative sentences can be due to the DP-NP distinction, this distinction is not responsible for the interpretative differences between the accusative and genitive case.

Sign up for access to the world's latest research.

checkGet notified about relevant papers

checkSave papers to use in your research

checkJoin the discussion with peers

checkTrack your impact