Young Children’s Developing Understanding of the Biological World (original) (raw)

2016, Early Education and Development

The purpose of this special issue of Early Education & Development is to showcase research on young children's understanding of the living world. In this Introduction our aim is to tie together the various articles in the issue by identifying key themes that run through multiple articles. We also provide some reflections on implications of the studies for policy and practice, including prescriptions for future work on the integrative study of children's biological understanding in the context of the early education classroom. One important theme in the study of children's biological understanding is folkbiology, which refers to the theoretical frameworks of beliefs and expectations about living things that emerge in the absence of formal instruction (Solomon & Zaitchik, 2012). There is increasing interest in the factors that shape the development of folkbiological knowledge (Gelman, 2009; Medin, Waxman, Woodring, & Washinawatok, 2010), a theme that is apparent throughout the special issue. The most prominent example is the article by Taverna, Medin, and Waxman (2016), who provide new insights from their work with the Wichi, an indigenous group from a remote forest region in Argentina. This study documents how Wichi children organize the natural world into categories based on taxonomic or perceptual similarities, on ecological factors such as shared habitat, and on beliefs about animacy and spiritual status. The emergence of these categories guides a view of the natural world that is distinctly less anthropocentric (i.e., less human centered) than the view adopted by children in many Western societies, especially urban ones. The theme of anthropocentrism is also apparent in the article by Ruckert (2016), who examines the intersection of folkbiological thinking with the development of moral reasoning about environmental concerns. Working in the Pacific Northwest of the United States, Ruckert examines children's responses to questions about values, obligations, and rights concerning endangered species. She contrasts anthropocentric thinking with a biocentric form of moral reasoning in which the natural world has moral standing independent of its value to humans. Ruckert finds that between 7 and 10 years of age, children's thinking shifts from human-centered concerns to more biocentric reasoning. Continuing the theme of influences on children's thinking about the natural world, the review by Longbottom and Slaughter (2016) examines how type of upbringing (urban vs. rural) and pet ownership affect children's reasoning about the relation of humans to other animals, the connections between different species, and basic knowledge about animal biology. After showing how differences in children's biological understandings are often associated with their direct experiences with outdoor experiences and with animals, the authors suggest that intervention research is needed on underlying mechanisms. Related anecdotal evidence that outdoor experiences influence children's biological understanding comes from the article by Tao (2016). In a Chinese sample of children ages 4 to 6 years, children who consistently applied a biological justification for plants as living things often mentioned their hands-on experience and involvement with growing flowers and vegetables with their parents or grandparents.