‘Like amphibious animals’: Irish protestants, ancient Britons, 1691–1707 (original) (raw)
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English Ireland may not have been set apart entirely from political developments in late-medieval Europe, but neither were its politics without their own distinctive flavour. Two of the most familiar structural features of Irish politics in the centuries after the English invasion are the island’s status as a lordship separate from, but dependent upon, the English Crown; and the division of the island into two peoples. Historians seek to understand and explain dependency and division by describing Ireland as a classic colonial situation. The problem with the colonial paradigm is not that it is wrong, but that, by itself, it explains too much and too little. What is most interesting about Ireland as a specimen of European political ideas in action is that the characteristics of dependency and division sat awkwardly – indeed, sat increasingly awkwardly – in the evolving thought-world of late-medieval Europe. This was the era when the ‘state’ was emerging as something more than an idea and was beginning to coalesce with conceptions of nationhood. As Andrea Ruddick has shown, the kingdom of England was being conceptualized in the late Middle Ages as a defined physical space that supplied the homeland of a distinct people. How, then, was one to define the status of those of the king’s English lieges who resided outside the realm yet claimed the liberties of freeborn Englishmen as their birth right? Since the king could not perform his office in person, how much of his sovereign authority devolved upon his representative in Ireland, who took an oath of office based upon the coronation oath? What were the king’s duties, whether of care or correction, towards the native inhabitants of Ireland whom the settlers had displaced and disenfranchised? And finally – a question prior to all of these – by what right did the monarch of England claim to rule Ireland in the first place?
English Ministers, Irish Politicians and the Making of a Parliamentary Settlement in Ireland, 16925
The English Historical Review, 2004
At the conclusion of the Irish war of 1689-91, the new Williamite government faced the arduous task of trying to bring about a settlement of a devastated and divided country. Government finances were in a critical state, with rapidly escalating pay arrears and drastically reduced income. At the same time, the minority Irish Protestant community, although on the victorious side in the war, viewed its future with trepidation. The Articles of Limerick, which had brought the war to a close, were, as far as many Protestants were concerned, too lenient towards a treasonous Catholic population, a factor that contributed to a belief within Irish Protestant circles that their position in Ireland remained insecure, despite the Williamite military victory. 1 In October 1692 the all-Protestant Irish Parliament was summoned with a view to bringing about a settlement of Ireland in the Protestant interest. Instead of legislating for such a settlement, however, the Irish House of Commons endeavoured to assert what they believed to be their constitutional right, by claiming to have the 'sole and undoubted right' to initiate, and control, supply legislation. In light of this so-called 'sole right' claim, the Lord Lieutenant, the English Whig, Henry, Viscount Sidney,
A biographical dictionary of the membership of the Irish House of Commons 1640-1641
1998
Liability statement By using a Digitised Thesis, I accept that Trinity College Dublin bears no legal responsibility for the accuracy, legality or comprehensiveness of materials contained within the thesis, and that Trinity College Dublin accepts no liability for indirect, consequential, or incidental, damages or losses arising from use of the thesis for whatever reason. Information located in a thesis may be subject to specific use constraints, details of which may not be explicitly described. It is the responsibility of potential and actual users to be aware of such constraints and to abide by them. By making use of material from a digitised thesis, you accept these copyright and disclaimer provisions. Where it is brought to the attention of Trinity College Library that there may be a breach of copyright or other restraint, it is the 6 , The Most blessed and truest Newes from Ireland... (London, 1642). pp 1,4. A3 CONSTITUENCY PROFILES LEINSTER Leinster was the province with the greatest parliamentary tradition; this is unsurprising as it had for many centuries been the principal seat of the administration and the bastion of colonised Ireland. The counties with the strongest traditions of parliamentary representation were those of the Pale-the counties closest to the capital, Dublin, Kildare, Meath and Louth-but the 16th. century saw the administration's control expand and a number of new shires and boroughs were created, increasing the numbers attending parliament. By 1560, 9 of the 20 counties entitled to send knights to the parliament were from Leinster (although only 10, 7 from Leinster, are listed as having done so), and 16 of the 29 boroughs were from that province. Even by 1585, these numbers had altered to 13 of the 27 counties (Fernes and Wexford were separate counties) and 20 of the 36 boroughs. Leinster's numerical advantage continued to decline and by 1613 it returned 12 of the 33 counties and 41 of the 84 boroughs. Final adjustments led to a decrease of one in the number of counties and an increase of 10 in the total number of boroughs, leaving Leinster with 12 counties and 40 of the total number of 94 boroughs by 1640. Despite this, and, equally significantly, despite the administration's growing influence on parliamentary returns, Leinster continued to return a substantial number of old English catholic m.p.s, who formed the backbone of the opposition to the crown's policies in Ireland. While its numerical importance declined, therefore, its members' role in representing their co-religionists became ever more significant. CARLOW was not formally planted, although its proximity to King's and Queen's counties and the general process of informal colonisation which occurred in the second half of the previous century, meant that it had its fair share of settlers, including the Bagnals, who inherited Sir George Carew's estates there. Even so, by 1640, 32% of its land remained in the hands of the old English, and it also had a large gaelic population, as its county membership shows, although, as in so many other counties, the new English influence was sufficient to ensure the return of members of their community for borough seats. The situation here was confused by religious affiliations which crossed ethnic boundaries, so that one old English county member, Thomas Butler*, was a protestant, and another new English knight, Bagnall, and a burgess, Harpole*, were catholic. In general, Carlow's returns show a considerable level of adjustment on the part of both communities and an agreement to compromise in the returns, although the influence of the Mountgarrett Butlers* is also to be seen. The two boroughs were Carlow, incorporated in 1613 and Old Leighlin, which was granted its charter in the following decade. The 1560 and 1585 county members came from rather different camps, with the old English Sir Edmund Butler, a younger son of the Earl of Ormond, being joined by the chief governor, Sir William Fitzwilliam, in the first A4 parliament and both 1585 knights, Sir Henry Wallop and Geoffrey Fenton, being administration officials who later settled in other parts of the country.1 The 1613 knights, Sir Morgan Cavanagh, and George Bagnall, appear to be a mixed pair, but in fact both were catholic, and their returns also show the influence of the Butlers: both were Mountgarrett's sons-in-law and Bagnall also had Ormond connections.2 Cavanagh appears again in 1634 but his election was overturned and Thomas Butler*, protestant son of the 1560 knight, replaced him, joining his catholic cousin, James Butler of Tinnehinch, Lord Mountgarrett's younger son.3 1640 also saw a mixed return, with Thomas* accompanying the local old English catholic landholder, Oliver Eustace*. Carlow borough was a garrison town, and its first members, the officials Sir Robert Jacob and Sir John Beare, were both complete outsiders. The nomination presumably belonged to Lord Thomond as constable of Carlow castle, and it is curious that no member of a local new English family should have been named, although Jacob and Beare may have been unsuccessful candidates for other seats, as Carlow's incorporation was very late.4 By 1634, however, the borough was more established and began to return burgesses with stronger local connections, like the 1634 member, Sir Barnabas Bryan, constable of the castle. He was also returned for Ennis and Clare, and was replaced for Carlow in early 1635 by Edward Harman, brother of the 1640 burgess, Thomas*, and a member of a local settler family; as sheriff of the county in 1633-4, Edward would have made the county's returns and would not himself have been legally eligible for election in the previous year. The other 1634 burgess, the official James Rowson, had no known local connections.5 The 1640 members show a greater ability or concern to return local men, as the new English catholic Harpole* was returned with Thomas Harman*. Harman was also returned for Coleraine but opted to represent Carlow. Despite its recent enfranchisement, catholics had become influential in Old Leighlin, with 8 of its 18 burgessng of that religion by 1640. This explains its tendency to make mixed returns. Its 1634 members were both old English officials-the catholic James Cusack* and the protestant Richard Fitzgerald*. Fitzgerald* was also returned for Strabane, which he chose to represent, and he was replaced by the new English Sir Thomas Meredith, a soldier and younger brother of Robert* and son of a former Bishop of Leighlin; both had rather tenuous links with the borough. Another list names Pierce Fitzgerald as burgess 1 Fitzwilliam was chief governor at various times between 1560 and 1588, and Wallop also held that position between 1582 and 1584. Fenton held a variety of posts, including secretary of state. 2 McGrath, 1613. pp 44-5. 3 James held substantial property in Carlow and Wexford, partly with Ormond. He was sheriff of the county in 1626, and arbitrated the dispute between Thomas Butler* and Ormond. 4 McGrath, 1613. p. 45. 5 Rowson was joint clerk of the peace for Kildare, King's and Queen's Counties, Westmeath,
Political discourse in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Ireland, 2001
In early May 1603 Lord Deputy Mountjoy arrived outside the town of Waterford at the head of an army of 5,000 men. On hearing of Queen Elizabeth's death, the city's leaders had seized the Protestant churches and restored the public celebration of Catholic rites, confident that the new monarch, James I, the dutiful son of a Catholic mother, would be more tolerant than his predecessor.
Protestant Dissent and Controversy in Ireland, 1660-1714
The American Historical Review, 1996
Liability statement By using a Digitised Thesis, I accept that Trinity College Dublin bears no legal responsibility for the accuracy, legality or comprehensiveness of materials contained within the thesis, and that Trinity College Dublin accepts no liability for indirect, consequential, or incidental, damages or losses arising from use of the thesis for whatever reason. Information located in a thesis may be subject to specific use constraints, details of which may not be explicitly described. It is the responsibility of potential and actual users to be aware of such constraints and to abide by them. By making use of material from a digitised thesis, you accept these copyright and disclaimer provisions. Where it is brought to the attention of Trinity College Library that there may be a breach of copyright or other restraint, it is the My thanks are due to the Trinity College Library,
"Force and fear of punishment": Protestants and religious coercion in Ireland, 1603-1633
The period around the close of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth centuries are now thought to have been crucial in deciding the religious allegiance of Ireland, This paper examines the policies of the Irish and British governments towards the enforcement of religious uniformity during the first thirty years of the seventeenth century. It shows how, following the defeat of Hugh O'Neill, the authorities in Dublin thought that there was an opportunity to force the Catholic population to conform, and break the power of the Catholic church. The King and his ministers in England, however, were reluctant to rick the mass alienation and civil unrest that this might cause, and counselled caution. The result was a stop/start policy. In times of official hostility towards Catholics, as following the Gunpowder Plot, the Irish authorities were given free rein to impose conformity, but when James wanted to placate foreign Catholic powers, as during his pursuit of a Spanish marriage for his son Charles, the Dublin government was instructed to favour persuasion and gentler methods. As a result, the penal laws were sometimes used to try to force Catholics to conform, sometimes as a means of control or of raising revenue. The end result was that, neither coercion nor toleration was fully or thoroughly implemented, and Ireland remained a firmly Catholic country. The unanswerable question remains: had conformity been imposed with the rigour demanded by the Dublin authorities, would it have had a chance of succeeding in turning Ireland into a Protestant country?
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