Cross-Channel communication and the end of the ‘Anglo-Norman realm’: Robert fitzWalter and the Valognes inheritance (original) (raw)

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Abstract

Sources écrites des mondes normands médiévaux Vivre des deux côtés de la Manche (X e-XIII e siècle) | 2011 Cross-Channel communication and the end of the 'Anglo-Norman realm': Robert fitzWalter and the Valognes inheritance

“Anglo-Norman Cultures in England, 1066-1460.” In The Cambridge History of Medieval English Literature, ed. David Wallace. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Pp. 35-60.

35] 36 SUSAN CRANE anticipates the Anglo-Norman copy of the Song of Roland, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Digby 23, made some seventy-five years after the Battle of Hastings. His singing is the heightened expression of Norman purpose, whereas, Wace continues, the English seemed only to bark like dogs: Quant Normant chient Engleis crient, de paroles se contralient, e mult sovent s'entredefient, mais ne sevent que s'entredient; hardi fierent, coart s'es maient, Normant dient qu'Engleis abaient por la parole qu'il n'entendent. 2 [When Normans fall the English cry out; they fight one another with words and very often exchange defiant challenges, but neither side knows what the other is saying. The bold ones strike, the cowards take fright; the Normans say that the English are barking because they can't understand their speech.]

“Þus Com, Lo, Engelond in-to Normandies Hond”: The Impact of the Norman Conquest on the English Language

This paper approaches a study of the development of Middle English by carefully situating it within its external as well as its internal history. It opens with an examination of the relevant historical and linguistic background, before moving into a detailed look at the influence of French at each level of the language: phonological, orthographical, morpho-syntactical, lexical, and literary. It then explains these developments within the politics and culture of eleventh and twelfth-century England, before looking at the slow revivification of English beginning in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In short, it takes into account both the structural and social considerations of the Norman Conquest on the language, and traces the process of how English emerged on the far side still fairly systematically intact, but deeply and permanently changed by its osmosis with French.

BARONS, ATTORNEYS AND BUTLERS: THE NORMAN-FRENCH INFLUENCE ON THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE

Antonius Gerardus Maria Poppelaars, 2023

Abstract: The motto of the royal coat of arms of The United Kingdom, Dieu et mon droit (God and my right), is in French. This is because the Norman Conquest (1066) has changed English considerably through an influx of Norman-French borrowings. Therefore, the focus of this study is to describe the Norman Conquest, the Anglo-Franco language contact and its linguistic outcome during the Middle Ages, the period of the main influx of Norman-French loanwords. Unfortunately, the Norman-French influence is underestimated, which will be analyzed as well. To do so, the Norman-French linguistic impact on English and the rebirth of English will be examined. The research for this study was conducted through a descriptive approach, which provides categorized examples, such as wordlists, for the reader’s comprehension. Concluded is that the changed spelling and pronunciation of English have been responsible for underestimating the Norman-French influence on the English language. Overall, this study may contribute to the acknowledgement of the Norman-French influence on English and that rivalry amongst languages is irrelevant as each language has its significance. Keywords: Language Contact; Norman-French Loanwords; English Language; Norman Conquest.

Arthur: the Birth of the Anglo-Norman Legends

Geoffrey of Monmouth's claim that he had a source book, brought out of Brittany by his friend Walter, the Archdeacon of Oxford, has been doubted by many. In this paper, I suggest a possible route of transmission, which may lend credibility to the claim.

The Normans in Welsh History

in C. P. Lewis (ed.), Anglo-Norman Studies XXX (Boydell, Woodbridge, 2008), 1–18, 2008

Although Allen Brown did not write extensively about Wales, he was certain that the Normans had made a big difference to its history by inaugurating a conquest that was completed, some two centuries later, by Edward I. 1 Members of the Battle Conference, on its visit to Gregynog, about eight miles west of the motte of Hen Domen near Montgomery, 2 will hardly need persuasion that Norman conquest and settlement were significant in Wales. After all, in the late eleventh and twelfth centuries the Normans and their allies established control over a substantial swathe of the country, extending in an arc along its eastern borders and southern coast, and created marcher lordships that enjoyed extensive autonomy until the reign of Henry VIII. Yet precisely how much difference the Normans made is a matter for continuing debate. Now, I should explain at the outset that my aim is not to try and assess the nature and impact of Norman conquest and settlement in Wales. Rather, what follows will focus on how historians have viewed the place of the Normans in Welsh history, and especially how and how far these conquerors have been integrated into narratives of national history. In other words, this paper is essentially historiographical in its approach. True, Allen Brown was somewhat impatient of the efforts of previous scholars, who, he believed, had muddied the waters by their partisan stance in relation to the Norman conquest of England. Yet, as he clearly saw, his own work responded to those earlier interpretations and in turn contributed to continuing debates about the extent and significance of the Normans in English history. 3 Historiographical reflection is valuable, indeed inescapable, in any serious effort to offer new interpretations of a given subject. That, then, is one justification for my topic: by looking at the work of previous historians, we may gain a clearer understanding of the premises and frameworks underpinning more recent studies of the Norman impact on Wales. But there is more to the enterprise than that. While looking back to previous historians' work provides a background and context for the present state of the subject, it does not follow that we should adopt a Whiggish view that tends to deprecate earlier scholars for their lack of rigour or understanding in order to celebrate the allegedly higher standards of our own day. Instead, an investigation of earlier interpretations of the Normans' place in the history of 1 R. Allen Brown, The Normans, Woodbridge 1984, 5, 73, 153; idem, The Normans and the Norman Conquest, 2nd edn, Woodbridge 1985, 11, 226. I am grateful to all those at the Battle Conference who provided feedback on the lecture at Gregynog, to Neil Evans and J. Beverley Smith for their comments on a draft of the published version, and to Nancy Edwards for her encouragement and support. 2 Cf. Brown, Normans; Chibnall, Normans. Cf. also works which, while narrower in geographical scope, set Norman expansion in a wider context than that of the individual countries of

Normandy and its Neighbours, 900-1250: Essays for David Bates ed. by David Crouch and Kathleen Thompson (review)

Parergon, 2012

scant documentary resources available to historians of the still under-studied century and a half following the Edwardian conquest and settlement of 1282-4. The central chapters of the book assess social, economic, administrative, urban and ecclesiastical developments on Anglesey within this time frame. However, where documentary evidence exists, this book often presents as much tedious detail as analysis, offering, for example, long series sums from accounts, rentals, etc. which are copious beyond the indicative, and yet, the reader expects, not exhaustive. These data undeniably comprise a valuable resource for other historians of post-conquest Wales, and yet they are presented here in a manner which renders them both problematic for analytical comparison and an impediment for the non-specialist reader. Hence, the unusually detailed scholarship contained within this volume, like its first-edition predecessor of 1982, is at one and the same time the volume's principal asset and its Achilles' heel. For those familiar with the first edition of Medieval Anglesey, none of the criticisms levelled here will come as surprise. Reviews of the 1982 first edition ranged from the tepid endorsement presented in this journal, that the volume would be 'welcomed and appreciated' by historians of the interplay of later medieval economic and social development (infra, lxix (1984), 307), to the outright hostile review published in Speculum suggesting that general readers would be 'actively discouraged from reading this book' (Speculum, lx (1985), 474). But, likewise, it will be similarly unsurprisingly to read here that the volume's failings notwithstanding, it is too important a resource for historians of later medieval Wales to not have on their shelf. In the article-driven world of later-medieval Welsh history, this volume is a repository of information and references to often obscure, and yet very important, scholarship on Welsh history. In response to some of the criticisms directed at the first edition, the second edition features an improved set of nine maps and five genealogical tables which have been well drawn and helpfully collated at the back of the volume. Unlike the fourteen poorly produced plates to be found in the first edition, the new edition contains twenty high-resolution colour plates of exemplary quality, including six (easily legible) primary sources. The glossary of twenty-nine terms hidden away at the back of the first edition has been replaced by a forty-nineterm glossary more helpfully located at the front of the volume. The first two chapters (of ten) alone contain references to twenty scholarly books and articles published since the first edition-the findings of which Professor Carr has integrated into his text-and collated in a thorough bibliography. And indeed, a handful of important narratives in Welsh history which are not easily accessible in print elsewhere, such as the evolving relationship between English and Welsh in the towns of later medieval Anglesey, do emerge from the detail of the text. Overall therefore, the second edition of Medieval Anglesey, despite, or perhaps because of, its tedious and dense presentation of material, is an important upgraded resource for historians of medieval Welsh society, if still not a suitable text for the general reader. Swansea University MATTHEW FRANK STEVENS Normandy and its Neighbours 900-1250: Essays for David Bates. Edited by David Crouch and Kathleen Thompson. Brepols. 2011. xxiv + 310pp. €80.00. As the author of what is still the best history of pre-1066 Normandy, the biographer of William the Conqueror and the editor of his acta, as well as the director of the Battle Norman Conference, David Bates looms over Anglo-Norman studies like a latter-day King William, almost as monarch of all he surveys-although he entirely lacks the brutality that scarred that king's rule. This excellent Festschrift, edited by two of his former doctoral students, is an appropriate tribute to a distinguished career, and like the work of the scholar whom it honours, this collection takes an overtly cross-Channel perspective, starting from the duchy of Normandy and only later turning to Anglo-Norman

The Anglo-Saxon Chancery: The History, Language and Production of Anglo-Saxon Charters from Alfred to Edgar. By Ben Snook. Anglo-Saxon Studies. Boydell. 2015. xvi + 234pp. £60.00

History, 2016

renaissance men, in that his interests transcended disciplinary boundaries. His seminal contributions to aesthetics, metaphysics, political theory and the philosophy of history resonate across disciplines and have been appropriated in the most unlikely areas of study, including statistics, psychology, library cataloguing, and marketing. His An Autobiography and First Mate's Log have attracted admirers not only for their scholarly, but also for their literary, merits. His published work is just the tip of the iceberg. His voluminous correspondence to friends and colleagues, on subjects ranging from art and photography to ethnographic observations on music and dance in Bali, together with the vast number of lectures, drafts of papers and books, including drawings for a volume on Roman Broaches, makes Collingwood an intriguing and fascinating subject for study as a person and academic. The Research Companion painstakingly identifies the sources, locations and interest of the whole range of work that Collingwood produced. It builds upon earlier bibliographies, adding a surprising number of published, yet obscure, items to them, but makes its own distinctive contribution to Collingwood scholarship by locating the thousands of letters and other documents that even the most intrepid scholar is unlikely to uncover without the aid of this guide. On page 190, for example, there is a description of a letter Collingwood wrote to The Yorkshire Post, dated 17 August, 1926, in which he discusses 'the relative strength of Roman and Saxon influences on the English character, laws and way of life'. The added value is that the authors of the Companion give contextual references for further clarification; for instance, in this case, the discussion was occasioned by Collingwood's pamphlet The Roman Signal Station on Castle Hill, Scarborough. The modest aim of the guide is to help the specialist and novice in Collingwood studies to make their researches easier by presenting a systematic compendium of resources. The authors have succeeded admirably in their aim, but they have achieved much more. Each of the contributors, James Connelly, Peter Johnson and Stephen Leach are passionate about the work Collingwood produced, and about the man who produced it. The volume therefore exudes an excitement that one does not expect to find in such research companions. We have a very helpful family tree, but of especial interest is the select chronology which is

Arthur: The Origins of the Anglo-Norman Legends

In his 'Historia Regum Britanniae', Geoffrey of Monmouth claimed that he had a source book, in the British tongue, which his friend Walter, the Archdeacon of Oxford, had brought "out of Britain". In this paper, Charles Parkinson explores a possible chain of communication by which this book may have arrived in Oxford.

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  91. Sic .
  92. 25 July, usually identii ed as the feast of St James (the Great).
  93. Gunnor's paternal uncle, younger brother of her father Robert, who benei ted from the patronage of William the Lion to become chamberlain of Scotland and a great landowner there, and whose granddaughters inherited the Valognes lands in England in 1232 upon the extinction of Gunnor's descendants.
  94. Possibly another paternal uncle of Gunnor?
  95. Ralph of Latton (Essex) held a i ef of the honour of Valognes at Latton between 1184 and 1201, and appears as Robert i tzWalter's man in 1198; in 1208 Robert was seeking custody of Ralph's heir ( P.R. 9 Richard I , p. 135; VCH Essex , viii, p. 188; Curia Regis Rolls , v, p. 223).
  96. Probably Tewin (Herts.), which formed part of the Valognes barony ( VCH Herts. , iii, 481-482). In 1200 a case concerning Tewin was heard in Robert i tzWalter's court ( Curia Regis Rolls , i, p. 169).
  97. Oliver , Sic . Perhaps a member of the important Anglo-Breton family of Lanvallay, which was prominent in Essex and Herts. William III de Lanvallay, lord of Walkern (Herts.) and constable of Colchester, married Robert i tzWalter's niece Matilda Pecche (Sanders, 1960, p. 92, p. 48).
  98. Sic . Envermeu (Seine-Maritime, ar. Dieppe, ch.-lieu de cant.).
  99. Perhaps the marshal of the abbey of Jumièges of that name (e.g. Rouen, Arch. dép. Seine- Maritime, 9 H 4, p. 183 n o 302: act of Richard marescallus , his wife Denise, and their son Aubin, concerning the feodum mareschaucie at Jumièges, 17 Dec. 1212).
  100. Sic .
  101. Either Robert i tzWalter's steward of this name ( Curia Regis Rolls , i, p. 291, p. 450), or Robert's brother William, archdeacon of Hereford, who shared Robert's exile in 1212 ( Hardy , Rotuli Litterarum Clausarum , i, p. 165-166; Hardy , Rotuli patentium , p. 101; Barrow , Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae , p. 24).
  102. Henry de Alneto was one of those exiled with Robert i tzWalter in 1212: Hardy , Rotuli clausarum , i, p. 165-166.
  103. Possibly Robert i tzWalter's half-brother Simon, lord of Daventry (Northants.), for whom see above, n. 30.
  104. Possibly Hodeng (Seine-Maritime, cant. Neufchâtel-en-Bray, c. Nesle-Hodeng). Vivre des deux côtés de la Manche http://www.unicaen.fr/mrsh/craham/revue/tabularia/print.php?dossier=dossier10&i le=01power.xml Albemalle 84 , Toma de Ver 85 , Henrrico de Aneto 86 , Hais comitissa Albemalle 87 . Hugone de Bures , Godefrido Grosso, Ricardo Marescallo et multis aliis. verso: (i) Carta Go(n)nor de Valo(n)gnes de hoc quod habebat apud Bures (late 13 th or early 14 th century). (ii) t(i)t(ulus) de Buris iii xx xix (15 th century: cross-reference to lost cartulary).
  105. Robert i tzWalter announces that he has granted all that he had in the manor of Bures to the monks of Notre-Dame-du-Pré, for 100s. currentis monete (June 1204 x April 1208) 88 .
  106. A . Original act: Rouen, Arch. dép. Seine-Maritime, 20 HP 6. B. Vidimus (1347) from A : lost.
  107. C. Copy (1347) from B , Trésor des Chartes, Register vol. LXVIII: Paris, Arch. nat., JJ 68, fol. 473v. Edited from A. 140 mm across x 50mm down (let edge), 42mm (right edge); letter close with fragment of tongue remaining. Early 13 th -century hand. , pro centum solidis currentis monete annuatim reddendis mihi et heredibus meis, sicut carta mea testatur. Et ideo, si Girardus prepositus de Gornaco vel i lius ejus vel quilibet alius trahunt predictos monachos in causam de dicta elemosina contra cartam meam, monachos injuste vexari noverint universi.
  108. Gerard, prévôt of Gournay, and his son Odo sell to the monks of Notre-Dame- du-Pré the 100s. which the monks paid them annually at Bures, for 25 livres
  109. Baldwin de Béthune (d. 1212), third husband of Hawise, countess of Aumale, and one of the best-known companions of William Marshal in the History of William Marshal . See Warlop , 1975-1976, ii, I, p. 660, p. 666; above, n. 46.
  110. Presumably h omas de Vere (d. 1204) of Great Addington (Northants.), head of a junior branch of the Vere earls of Oxford ( VCH Northants , iii, p. 156-157).
  111. Henrrico, Sic . Perhaps the same man as Henry de Launeo who witnessed nº 1 above? 87. Hawise, countess of Aumale: see above, n. 46.
  112. For the date of this act, see above, p. 12-14.
  113. Sic . 29
  114. M(er)catu 101 , Roberto Avenar', Pet(r)o G(r)ameth, Ric(ardo) de Eskekevill(a) 102 , Godef r(ido) 103
  115. Grosso, Ric(ardo) Marescall(o) 104 , Haudenn' Cogno, Joh(an)ne h orco Hug(one) Pisc' et multis aliis.
  116. John de Rouvray, castellan of Arques, announces the agreement between Notre- Dame-du-Pré and Gerard, prévôt of Gournay, and his son Odo, concerning the git of Robert i tzWalter (Rouen, 6 x 30 April) 105 .
  117. A . Original act: Rouen, Arch. dép. Seine-Maritime, 20 HP 6. B. Vidimus (1347) from A : lost.
  118. C. Copy (1347) from B , Trésor des Chartes, Register vol. LXVIII (1347): Paris, Arch. nat., JJ 68, fol. 473v. Edited from A. 225mm across x 62-69mm down (including fold); slits and tag for lost seal. Early -/ mid-thirteenth century hand; minor surface damage. Omnibus ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit, Joh(annes) de Rovreio tunc cas- tellanus Archar(um) salutem. (ii) Walt(er)i. possidend(um) tota vita sua, quem scilicet predicti Gir(ardus) et Odo jamdictis monachis vendiderunt pro XXV. libris turonensium et debent garantizare qua[m]diu vixerint eisdem monachis sicut carta inde inter eos facta testatur. Et in hujus rei testimonium, presens scriptum sigillo meo coni rmari feci, apud Roth(omagum), anno gratie M CC octavo, mense aprili. verso: (i) Tempore prioris .J. de Castell' (13 th C.) (ii) Bures (13 th C.?)
  119. Gunnor, daughter and heiress of Robert de Valognes, 'widow' of Robert i tzWalter, grants 100s. angevins ( sic ) from the i ef of Valognes to the monks of Bec at Notre- Dame-du-Pré (1209) (spurious act).
  120. Neuf-Marché (Seine-Maritime, cant. Gournay).
  121. Équiqueville (Seine-Maritime, cant. Envermeu, c. St-Vaast-d'Équiqueville).
  122. Sic .
  123. Sic . Verso: Ordo litterarum de Valognes (15 th century).
  124. 'eius uxor' above the line.
  125. Sic .
  126. Sic .
  127. 'dictorum relig(iosorum)' has been deleted and replaced with 'sua' above the line.
  128. Sic.
  129. Sic.
  130. Sic.