The Hymnal: A Reading History. By Christopher N. Phillips. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2018. xv + 252 pp. $39.95 hardcover (original) (raw)

As Kselman points out, anticlerical writers like Sue and Michelet hated priests so much because they viewed religious meddling as destructive of family life.) It might be fruitful, then, to place Kselman's findings in conversation with Camille Robcis's work on "familialism" in French history. According to Robcis, political theorists after the Revolution sought to overcome republicanism's inherent individualism by privileging the family as the fundamental building block of society, the school where future citizens would learn "to reconcile social solidarity and individual liberty" (Robcis, 18). This suggestion only serves to sharpen the paradox studied by Kselman: perhaps the postrevolutionary, secular age invests the family with greater social meaning and anxiety at the precise moment that it also makes rejection of the familial faith possible. Kselman's book is also sure to be of interest to historians and theorists of secularism, although his evidence and analysis are too complex and nuanced to fit neatly into any one camp. On the one hand, those (Talal Asad, Joan Scott, and others) who have criticized secularist governments for the ways they circumscribe, surveil, and intervene in religious matters will find some confirmation. For example, the liberal July Monarchy, precisely in order to guarantee religious liberty, found itself in the business of evaluating the sincerity of deathbed conversions in state hospitals (46-47). On the other hand, in the early days of the French Revolution, it was not overly aggressive secularists but Catholics who first demanded that religious liberty be constrained by "public order"-enshrining the state's "right to monitor and control the public expression of religion" (14).

Religious freedom and the age of enlightenment: the case of the French Revolution

2008

This article explores whether the Age of Enlightenment, in general, and the French Revolution of 1789, in particular, promoted or restricted religious freedom. The International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 defines religious freedom as the "inalienable right of individuals and groups to choose or change beliefs as their consciences dictate and be free from intimidation, restrictions and biases based on those beliefs". In other words, people must have an opportunity to exercise their religious beliefs in an atmosphere that is free of intimidation and interference. During eighteenth century, the Age of the Enlightenment ushered in a profound scientific and cultural transformation. This transformation altered the conditions under which religion was practised. In theology, pietism served to promote new scientific discoveries and theories. In addition, a secular culture developed; nothing was regarded as sacrosanct and secularists sought to prevent believers from worshipping God according to the dictates of their own consciences. A consequence of the French Revolution was that some of the spirit of the Enlightenment became reality-interference in religious affairs. This article will argue that by joining the Third Estate to form the National Constituent Assembly, the clergy negated one of the fundamental pillars of religious freedom: the separation of church and state. The Constituent Assembly forbade the taking of religious vows, regular religious life was restricted to houses, the state was involved to interfere with the selection of priests, and believers were harassed and imprisoned.

The role of Protestants in French Secularism (Laïcité): A sociohistorical examination of the involvement of Protestants in the formation of the 1905 Law of Separation of Church and State

Evangelical Missiological Society 2018 National Conference Papers, 2018

During a September 2017 ceremony commemorating the 500 years of the Reformation, French President Emmanuel Macron hailed the contributions of Protestantism to France in the development of the 1905 Law of Secularization (Laïcité). Indeed, the French concept of secularism has been clearly defined as the absence of religious influence in state affairs. This legal demarcation was initially sparked in the second half of the 19th century to limit the Catholic Church’s involvement in education and scholarship with much of the support of major Protestant leaders. And while secularism today can be understood as forms of anti-religious movements or sentiments, French Laïcité is often recognized as means of freedom of religion, even by Evangelicals. This sociohistorical paper examines the reasons the 1905 Law of Secularization in France and will discuss the ensuing consequences and missiological implications for a country that has embraced secularism for over a century.

Moderation and Religion in France After the Revolution: Germaine de Staël and Benjamin Constant

The Politics of Moderation in Modern European History (Palgrave Studies in Political History), 2019

This chapter argues that in so far as there existed something like a ‘discourse on moderation’ in post-revolutionary France, it had a strikingly religious dimension. The chapter concentrates on the moderating function Germaine de Staël (1766–1817) and Benjamin Constant (1767–1830) believed religion could play in politics, and explains what kind of religiosity they believed qualified for this role.

Religious Regulation in France

Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics , 2019

Its past appears to be in constant tension with the present over the question of religious restriction. That tension might properly be understood as a centuries-long struggle between those favoring traditional, pro-clerical views and those espousing anti-clerical, Enlightenment understandings of church-state relations. This tension has given rise to many inconsistencies in legislative actions and public policy decisions around religion, as political power has shifted between the opposing sides at different points in history. This tension continues to the present day.

Public funding of religions in French law: the role of the Council of State in the politics of constitutional secularism

forthcoming in Oxford Journal of Law and Religion (2014)

The 1905 Law on the Separation of Churches and State continues to represent the primary legislative expression of laïcité, France's principle of constitutional secularism. While it privatised the formerly established denominations, the law also prohibited any financing of religions by public bodies. Although the legislation represented a broadly liberal solution to the Church-State question, more recent measures targeting religious dress have arguably reflected a drift towards a more muscular, even intolerant conception of laïcité purporting to confine religious identity to the "private sphere". Yet the prohibition on public financing of religion remains a central feature of the politics of laïcité. In recent case law, this prohibition has been interpreted in a surprisingly liberal and pragmatic way by the Conseil d'Etat, France's supreme administrative court. This article aims to locate its jurisprudence on the 1905 law within the broader politics of constitutional secularism in contemporary France.

Catholicism and Democracy: The Struggle Between the Catholic and Gallican Elements in the French Revolution

Throughout the 19 th century, the Catholic Church was perceived as (and often presented herself as) an opponent of political principles like democracy and religious liberty. This stemmed from the French revolution, when the Church was suppressed in the name of this political philosophy. This essay will argue, however, that it was actually France's Catholic ethos that gave rise to its democratic impulses, and that Catholicism and democracy were natural (and initial) allies; only with the Civil Constitution on the Clergy did the revolution drive an artificial wedge between political liberalism and Catholicism, and the Church's embrace of democracy and religious freedom in the 20 th century was not an accommodation but a restoration.

Church and State in the French Reformation

Although national boundaries dividing European historians from each other are tenacious, divisions by period are sometimes more so. The history of France in the sixteenth century is sometimes treated quite separately from that of subsequent centuries. Indeed, sixteenth-century European historians frequently pay greater attention to France than French historians pay to the sixteenth century. Sixteenth-century European historians care about France because the French Wars of Religion occupy a central position in sixteenth-century international relations and political history, as well as because Calvin, France's leading reformer, was extraordinarily influential internationally. 1 Great historians whose work has *The books discussed in this essay are Thierry Amalou, Une concorde urbaine: Senlis au temps des réformes ðvers 1520-vers 1580Þ ðLimoges:

Soldiers of God in a secular world: Catholic theology and twentieth-century French politics

Contemporary Political Theory

Interest in the role of Catholicism in European politics in the twentieth century has experienced a resurgence in recent years. The focus is either on the constitutive role of Christian Democratic parties for postwar European cooperation and the contemporary supranational structures of the European Union or on the Second Vatican Council and the developments that culminated in a specific Catholic understanding of human rights. This newfound interest is driven by the way contemporary right-wing populists invoke the Christian roots of European civilization to push back against globalization, immigration, refugees, and LGBT+ movements, especially in Catholic countries. One can read Sarah Shortall's book, Soldiers of God in a Secular World: Catholic Theology and Twentieth-Century French Politics in this context. Soldiers of God focuses specifically on the French political history of Catholic theology from the Jules Ferry decrees in the 1880s, which banned Catholic schools and sent them in exile, to the Second Vatican Council in the 1960s. Furthermore, it reconstructs the intellectual history of the exiled Catholics-Jesuits and Dominicans-and the development of their theologies as a reflection on the role of theology in a secular world. Since these approaches sought to engage Catholicism with the world by taking the changes in political and social context into consideration, they can be seen as Catholic political theories. Shortall's book is structured chronologically in three parts: I. Separation (1880-1939), II. Resistance (1940-1944) and III. Renewal (1945-1965). The first reconstructs the Ferry decrees and their explicit anticlericalism alongside the political doctrine of secularism with a strict separation of religion and politics instituted in 1905. These constitute the conditions of possibility for the revival within Catholic theology articulated by the Jesuits and Dominicans in exile. These generations, which represent the nouvelle the´ologie, were educated and formed in

Loading...

Loading Preview

Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.