Hayamaru Kazumasa, ‘A Critique of Chinese Diplomatic Modernization Narratives: Reinterpreting Shifts in Qing Foreign Affairs Institutions in the Early 1860s from the Qing Perspective’, trans. Thomas P. Barrett, International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 22, no. 1 (2022): 1-30. (original) (raw)

Thomas P. Barrett, ‘Qing Diplomacy’s Scottish Face: Halliday Macartney, Yamen Culture, and Diplomatic Transformation in China’s London Legation, 1877-1905’, Late Imperial China 45, no. 2 (2024): 1-39.

Late Imperial China, 2024

Recent scholarship offers compelling evidence of the proactive engagement of late Qing China’s legations with Western European diplomatic culture. However, the resounding emphasis of this work has been ministerial receptivity to international law. This article argues for the importance of taking a broader perspective, elucidating a concurrent transformation in ministerial attitudes towards achieving rhetorical and oratorical sophistication in their diplomacy. To illustrate this shift, I use the career of Halliday Macartney, a Scotsman who served at the Qing London legation from 1877 to 1905, as a conduit. Initially responsible for interpretation and cultural explication, Macartney’s role evolved in the 1880s to become the legation’s lead rhetorician and negotiator. I argue that rather than constitute an instantiation of ministerial ineptitude, the ministers’ recalibration of Macartney’s remit was an important indication of their commitment to achieving rhetorical and oratorical sophistication in their diplomacy. Furthermore, I make the case that we need to understand Macartney’s position in the legation in line with the yamen culture of outsourcing technical work to muyou. In doing so, I argue that the ministers drew upon aspects of their own bureaucratic culture in order to meet the challenges posed by this foreign diplomatic culture.

Fields of Practice: Symbolic Binding and the Qing Defense of Sinocentric Diplomacy

The practice turn in IR offers new ways to understand how diplomats can creatively engage with their environment and one another. Yet, sometimes their diplomatic practices limit their ability to achieve agreements. This article focuses on how and why domestic practices conflict with international practices, and why states sometimes might feel constrained into engaging in practices that harm their international position. Drawing on field theory, I introduce a causal mechanism I call symbolic binding that explains why regimes may become so bound by their domestic practices of legitimation that they incur considerable international cost. Symbolic binding occurs when the symbolic practices needed to generate domestic legitimacy intersect and conflict with practices from the diplomatic field, when domestic audiences are observing the diplomatic interaction, and when regimes have limited access to alternative forms of political capital. I demonstrate the logic of this mechanism by analyzing the antagonistic diplomacy that occurred between Britain and China from the late eighteenth until the late nineteenth century. I show that the root of this diplomatic conflict can be linked to the incompatibility of both states' diplomatic practices and show how the Qing regime's need to maintain domestic legitimacy constrained it into steadfastly adhering to diplomatic practices that were incompatible with that of encroaching European powers.

China Foreign Relations 1400-1820 (Syl)

With growing Chinese power and influence on the global stage, scholars in several disciplines have developed a new interest in the 'tribute system.' This course will examine the history of Ming and Qing dynasty foreign relations, beginning with maritime diplomacy directed by the eunuch Zheng He in the early fifteenth century and ending with the Qianlong Emperor's responses to the British Macartney mission in 1793. Following an initial discussion of tributary structure, its ideological origins in classical texts, and the principles and practices associated with long-term maintenance, weekly readings and analysis will be devoted to the following topics: the expansion of cartographic knowledge and textual representations of the world; 'vassal' (i.e., Japanese, Korean and Ryukyu) negotiations on the periphery; envoy pictures in the "Imperial portraits of tributaries" handscroll; European competition for recognition; the impact of Japanese sakoku 'closed country' edicts on Sino-Japanese relations; and questions related to discontent over gifts, guests and imperial rituals. Students will develop, research, write, and present a substantial research paper using primary and secondary sources.

Mediating Sovereignty: The Qing Legation in London and its Diplomatic Representation of China, 1876-1901

Modern Asian Studies, 2020

In 1896, Sir Halliday Macartney, Counselor of the Qing London legation, detained the revolutionary Sun Yat-sen on legation ground in an attempt to deport him back to China. Since then, the image of the legation as an ossified extension of a despotic government has dominated public imagination. This article proposes a new way of understanding the legation’s action: it exemplifies the legal activism of Qing diplomats in recovering judicial sovereignty which had been compromised by the presence of extraterritoriality and colonialism. Legations represented a broad range of interests of China through diplomatic negotiations and legal mediations, and brought unresolved disputes between foreign ministers and the Zongli Yamen in Beijing to the attention of their home governments. This article analyzes the mediation and collaboration performed by the London legation between the various levels of the Qing government and the British Foreign Office. It argues that Qing legations and their diplomatic representation abroad were essential to the construction and imagination of China as a sovereign state.

From envoy journals to legation reports: regulating knowledge of the world in late imperial and modern China

From envoy journals to legation reports: regulating knowledge of the world in late imperial and modern China, 2022

In the Qing dynasty, the diary-form for intelligence gathering was perfected by Tulišen, whose travelogue to Central Asia allowed the Kangxi emperor’s “imperial eyes” to assume vicarious witness to that heroic journey. Prior to China’s stationing of resident ministers abroad in 1876, envoy journals similar to Tulišen’s were commonly used for information gathering. In the next three decades, the genre of envoy communication became a fertile field for trials and experimentations, as Qing diplomats adjusted their method of communication to the changing needs of the state and the prevalent media and information technology. When the Qing dynasty established China’s first bureau of foreign affairs (Waiwubu) in 1901, the modern-style “foreign office” required radically new genres for diplomatic communication, which prioritized systemization, standardization, and a complete elimination of subjective experience. These diplomatic reports, akin to Western-style bluebooks, were separated from classified information and thus designed for domestic circulation. Tracing the evolution in diplomatic communications from late imperial China to the turn of the twentieth century, this paper seeks to unpack how new views of the foreign were shaped by new genres, new media, and new diplomatic institutions.

Qing Travelers to the Far West: Diplomacy and the Information Order in Late Imperial China

Cambridge University Press, 2018

Prior to the nineteenth century, the West occupied an anomalous space in the Chinese imagination, populated by untamable barbarians and unearthly immortals. First-hand accounts and correspondence from Qing envoys and diplomats to Europe unraveled that perception. In this path-breaking study, Jenny Huangfu Day interweaves the history of Qing legation-building with the personal stories of China's first official travelers, envoys and diplomats to Europe. She explores how diplomat-travelers navigated the conceptual and physical space of a land virtually unmapped in the Chinese intellectual tradition and created a new information order. This study reveals the fluidity, heterogeneity, and ambivalence of their experience, and the layers of tension between thinking, writing, and publishing about the West. By integrating diplomatic and intellectual history with literary analysis and communication studies, Day offers a fundamentally new interpretation of the Qing's engagement with the West.

A Neighbourless Empire? The Forgotten Diplomatic Tradition of Imperial China

In the diplomatic canon, where the field has been demarcated by a central distinction drawn between suzerain and parity-based state relations, Imperial China has squarely been designated to the former category, and thereby as inherently alien to the diplomatic tradition. However, this image of a monolithic 2000-year-long rigid, hierarchical system betrays a too shallow assessment of Chinese history, and fails to acknowledge a noteworthy strain of parity-based relations running through Imperial Chinese foreign policy. This strain was at its most pronounced during the four centuries of the Song Dynasty, where China's relations with a set of important neighbouring states were handled on egalitarian terms that were far more reminiscent of a full-fledged diplomatic multi-state system than what is popularly acknowledged. Based on a case study of the diplomatic relations of the Song Dynasty, this article argues that Imperial Chinese foreign policy on a set of occasions showed itself to adhere to principles immanent to classical diplomacy, and that these eras thus should naturally, and beneficially, belong to the historical canon of diplomacy.

Bringing the World Home: Appropriating the West in Late Qing and Early Republican China. Theodore Huters. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2005. ix + 370 pp. $57.00. ISBN 0-8248-2838-0

The China Quarterly, 2008

Four decades ago, Benjamin Schwartz opened his book In Search of Wealth and Power: Yen Fu and the West by reflecting on the phantasmagoric nature of received wisdom about the objective status of cultural difference. He observed: "Few would claim that the West which has emerged out of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries forms an easily apprehended synthesis on any level-political, social, or intellectual. Yet when we turn our gaze outward to the non-Western world, that which has been obscure suddenly becomes clear. The West suddenly assumes the guise of a fixed, known quantity. " 1 Schwartz was targeting a mode of reflexive and negative knowledge that had dominated public opinion and scholarship on China, and he did so in a time when the Cold War area studies was in full swing. Have things changed much since he wrote the above? To be sure, Schwartz was neither the first nor the last to take notice of the kinds of unsettling aporia that seem to dwell at the heart of any positive assertions about the objectivity of what is known about China or the West. As recent as Harry Harootunian's book History's Disquiet, the author had to remind us again of a central irony in Asian studies: Asia does not exist by itself as an object, and whatever goes by that name is a simulacrum or a self-fulfilling prophesy of Asian studies. 2 The past few decades have witnessed a thoroughgoing critique of knowledge and modernity by postcolonial scholars following the work of Edward Said, resulting in what one might call a paradigm shift in historical scholarship in North America and elsewhere. In this general climate, the field of Chinese studies has made huge strides as evidenced by the steady output of sophisticated new works in social, cultural, and literary histories that are aimed to deepen our understanding of the processes of modernity in the late Qing and the twentieth century. As confidence in our general accumulated knowledge about modern China grows, the urgency to engage with the sorts of epistemological issues that had worried Schwartz diminishes proportionately in our field with only a few exceptions. One reason for this phenomenon, I suspect, is a shared sense of boredom with selfreflection as well as a lack of inspiration for tackling the subject in innovative ways. Whatever it is, I believe it is premature to declare that we have laid the ghost of the West to rest when the mental juggling of reflexivity and negativity contin

Tribute and Treaties: East Asian Treaty Ports Networks in the Era of Negotiation, 1834–1894

European Journal of East Asian Studies, 2002

The Beginning of the Era of Negotiation From the 1830s to the 1890s, the nations and regions of East Asia entered into a period that can be called the Era of Negotiation, one characterised by multilateral and multifaceted intra-regional negotiations. Three sources account for the era's dynamism. The historical issues they present, however, originate in general not from the conventional understanding of the so-called initial period of modern Asian history as Asia's 'forced' opening as a result of the 'impact of the West' but rather from a point of view focusing on internal changes in the East Asian region. The period can be summarised as follows: 1) The beginnings of change in the historical international order of East Asia, that of tribute relationships centred on the authority of the Qing emperor. Tributary states and trading nations (hushi guo) on the periphery of the Qing empire, backed by their own new economic strength, no longer strove to maintain as close a relationship with the Qing as before, and, in each of them, internal confrontation set in between reformist and conservative factions. A variety of negotiations were consequently opened with the Qing empire. 1 2) The impossibility, under Qing rule, of continuing to implement as strong a centralised control as in the past. As central authority declined, criticism and resistance mounted against the rule by aboriginal officials (tusi/tuguan) of ethnic groups and against the rule by the Court of Colonial Affairs (Lifan Yuan) of 'barbarian areas' (fanbu). As a result of weakened control, economic activity in the coastal trading region picked up, and various forces on the periphery began to advance their claims. 3) Exploitation by local officials and merchants in South China in opposition to the weakened Qing centre, facilitated by the changing East Asian regional tributary order, of American and European efforts