Serial Verb Constructions in Sikkanese (original) (raw)
Related papers
Serial Verb Constructions in Sasak Language of Meno-Mene Dialect: A Typology and LFG Approach
2018
This paper aims to analyze the semantic types, the characteristics, and the constituent structure and functional structure of Sasak serial verb constructions. The theory of Typology and Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG) were used to analyze the data. The data in this research were taken from the uttarances of speakers of meno-mene dialect of Sasak. This study is designed as descriptive qualitative research. The data were collected through observation, interview, and reflective-introspective methods with recording and elicitation techniques. The results show that Sasak serial verb constructions have ten semantic types, which are motion, direction, instrument, comitative, manner, aspect and mood, benefactive, causative, cause-effect, and synonym. Based on the phonological, morphological and syntactical characteristics, Sasak serial verb constructions have the following characteristics: (1) They fall under one intonation contour, 2) They form mono-clause as a single predicate, 3) They h...
2007
This paper describes verb root serialization as a highly productive component of the verbal semantics and morphology of Kotiria (Wanano) and Waikhana (Piratapuyo), * two closely related languages in the Eastern Tukanoan (ET) family spoken in the Vaupes river basin. It begins with a brief overview of the previous analyses of serial verb constructions (SVCs) in ET languages and their defining syntactic and phonological features. It then describes the semantics of the most common serialization patterns occurring in these two languages and proposes a general typology that includes 'causeeffect' serializations ( §2); serializations that function to express adverbial ( §3), aspectual ( §4), and modal ( §5) information in SVCs with activity verbs as heads; and serializations coding intensification and change of state in SVCs with stative verbs as heads ( §6). §7 demonstrates how SVCs contrast with other types of multiple-verb constructions, such as verb sequences and constructions involving subordination.
Serial Verb Construction in Balinese (Syntactic and Semantic Analysis)
e-Journal of Linguistics, 2012
Serial verb construction (SVC) is a construction where more than one verbs occur in a clause without any overt markers of subordinator or coordinator. SVC is a common fenomenon in isolative languages which lack morphological markers for sintactic processes. However, in the use of Balinese, which is rich in morphological markers, SVC are common fenomena. This research attempts to analyse the typological characteristics of SVC in Balinese, to describe the types of SVC in Balinese viewed from the structure of events which forms the SVC, to analyse the constituent merging strategies in clauses containing SVC. This research applies decriptive-qualitative approach, by combining analitic and introspective methods. The data source of this research was 50 short story texts taken from Sastra slot in “Bali Orti”, weekly newspaper of Bali Post, completed with spoken texts, obtained by applying direct observation technique. The data was descriptively and analitically analysed by using the de...
V-V Constructions in Sasaknese
2021
The claim that serial verb constructions encode a single event is made with great regularity in the literature on serial verbs but is a claim that I find difficult to test in critical cases (Comrie, 1995). Sasaknese has a lot of serial verbs. This unique feature cannot be easily found in every language. This paper focused on analyzing the notion of ‘single-event’ in Sasaknese V-V constructions. In this study, the X-bar theory is applied to discuss the constituent structure of serial verb constructions. This study used the data of Sasaknese meno-mené native speakers’ utterances by using observation method. The result of the study shows that Sasak serial verb constructions have V-V structure that describe one single event as a single predicate
The Syntactic Behaviour of the Second Verb (V2) in Balinese Serial Verbs
Linguistik Indonesia
The title of this study is the syntactic behavior of the second verb (V2) in the Balinese serial verbs and it aims at investigating the types of verbs composing the Balinese serial verbs and analyzing the syntactic behavior of the V2. The theory applied in identifying the Balinese serial verbs is the theory of typology by Van Staden and Ger Reesink (Senft, ed., 2008), and the theory of complement and adjunct by Kroeger (2005) is used in analyzing the syntactic behavior of the V2. This research is classified as a descriptive-qualitative study. The data supporting the analysis was collected from written Balinese texts in the Balinese short stories. The result of the analysis showed that the Balinese serial verbs were formed by V1 stative-V2 intransitive, V1 intransitive -V2 stative, V1 intransitive -V2 transitive active, V1 active transitive -V2 active-transitive, or stative or intransitive, passive-active-transitive, active transitive-passive, passive-passive. Syntactically the V2 co...
On the serial verb construction (SVC) in Iyinno
Entrepalavras, 2014
The derivation of SVC has been an unresolved issue in African linguistics. It has led to series of postulations and tough structures from one generative theory to the other. Taiwo (2009) and Abimbola (2014) gave a beacon of hope towards the derivation proposing that there is one and only one clause structure projected. A brilliant proposal as it were which raises some other questions like feature roaming (Angitso, 2013), consequently resulting to convergent derivation with theta unassigned and unvalued features. Observing these inadequacies, the present paper proposed a revision of Abimbola (2014) on the bases LF-residue of shared DP object jointly selected from the Lexicon but not legible at PF interface. The LF-residue caters for the valuation of the roaming features and assignment of theta to the residue object without flouting Inclusiveness Condition. Only the linearized copy of the DP object is legible at the PF interface.
On the serial verb construction (svc) in ì ̩yí̩nnó̩ 1
2014
The derivation of SVC has been an unresolved issue in African linguistics. It has led to series of postulations and tough structures from one generative theory to the other. Taiwo (2009) and Abimbola (2014) gave a beacon of hope towards the derivation proposing that there is one and only one clause structure projected. A brilliant proposal as it were which raises some other questions like feature roaming (Angitso, 2013), consequently resulting to convergent derivation with theta unassigned and unvalued features. Observing these inadequacies, the present paper proposed a revision of Abimbola (2014) on the bases LF-residue of shared DP object jointly selected from the Lexicon but not legible at PF interface. The LF-residue caters for the valuation of the roaming features and assignment of theta to the residue object without flouting Inclusiveness Condition. Only the linearized copy of the DP object is legible at the PF interface.
The serial verb construction: Comparative concept and cross-linguistic generalizations
Since the 1970s, serial verb constructions (SVCs) have been discussed widely in African, Oceanic and many other languages in different parts of the world. This paper gives an overview of the most important generalizations about serial verb constructions that have been proposed and that do seem to hold if a sufficiently restrictive definition of the concept is adopted. The main problem of the earlier comparative literature is that the notion of a SVC has not been delimited clearly, and/or has been formulated in much too wide terms. This can be seen as a result of the confusion between comparative concepts and natural kinds: Serial verb constructions have (most often implicitly) been regarded as natural kinds (universal categories), so that phenomena in additional languages were regarded as SVCs even when they had somewhat different properties. This procedure inevitably leads to a fuzzy and very broad understanding of the concept, with a prototype structure that does not allow falsifiable claims. Here I propose a narrow definition of SVC and formulate ten universals that are apparently true of all serial verb constructions in this narrow sense.
Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: A Case Study from Koro
In this dissertation a methodology for identifying and analyzing serial verb constructions (SVCs) is developed, and its application is exemplified through an analysis of SVCs in Koro, an Oceanic language of Papua New Guinea. SVCs involve two main verbs that form a single predicate and share at least one of their arguments. In addition, they have shared values for tense, aspect, and mood, and they denote a single event. The unique syntactic and semantic properties of SVCs present a number of theoretical challenges, and thus they have invited great interest from syntacticians and typologists alike. But characterizing the nature of SVCs and making generalizations about the typology of serializing languages has proven difficult. There is still debate about both the surface properties of SVCs and their underlying syntactic structure. The current work addresses some of these issues by approaching serialization from two angles: the typological and the language-specific. On the typological front, it refines the definition of `SVC' and develops a principled set of cross-linguistically applicable diagnostics. From the existing set of surface properties, four core characteristics are distilled: main verbhood, monoclausality, single eventhood, and argument sharing. A construction must have all of these properties in order to qualify as an SVC. Once these underlying semantic and syntactic properties of SVCs are identified, a detailed and explicit set of criteria is developed that allows these underlying properties to be tested in any language. The latter part of the dissertation offers a case study in the use of these diagnostic criteria by applying them to multi-verb constructions in Koro. Testing these constructions against the definition of SVCs developed in the dissertation reveals that although there are numerous multi-verb constructions in Koro that appear to fulfill the surface criteria for SVCs, only one of these can be considered a true SVC. This construction has a VP-shell structure, in which V1 is a path or locative verb that takes V2 as its complement. The shared argument is the subject of V2, providing a counter-example to Baker's (1989) claim that SVCs obligatorily share an internal argument. Constructions that instead involve adjunction of V2 to V1 are shown through detailed semantic investigation to be disqualified as SVCs, because they do not exhibit the expected entailments. This is surprising because they superficially resemble proto-typical SVCs. The syntactic and semantic analysis of these constructions leads to the hypothesis that true SVCs must have a relation of complementation between the verbs, while adjoined or coordinated constructions cannot be considered SVCs.