Kurdish Nationalism (original) (raw)

How does the desire for Kurdish self-determination impact the Middle East

This paper examines the relationships between Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria, in the contemporary Middle East in light of the relationships to these states' Kurdish populations. It includes a discussion regarding the political units of the Kurds through their political parties and militant wings, as well as entities such as Rojava or Iraqi Kurdistan that have been formed out of wars for self-determination.

Rise of Kurdistan in Middle East

The borders of Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey divide the Kurdish people, the biggest ethnic group without a nation state. This paper seeks to shed light on which the Kurds are, the territory they claim being a part of their right, and more on the status of their struggle for nationhood, an independent Kurdistan with its main focus on ‘Iraqi Kurdistan’. It also establishes the relationship with the nation-states in which they (Kurds) live. The study also explores the challenges, and resolutions, of and by the Kurds.

A Stateless Nation: why the Kurds still do not have a State

2023

This study is discussing the Kurds' question as to the most important and complex issue after the Arab-Israeli conflict and the most complicated one in contemporary times, particularly, in the failure of these people to make their own country in the New Middle East. Also, it is discussing some various difficulties faced by Kurdish nationalism, due to the fact that the Kurds are geographically distributed in four countries in the Middle East such as; Iran; Iraq; Syria, and Turkey. Therefore, this study attempts to explore the causes and objectives of the Kurds in establishing a sovereign state, and why they face obstacles in achieving this, especially in light of the escalation of their resonance in the political agendas of the countries of the region and international actors.

Twenty-First Century Progress - the Nationalistic Movements of the Kurds Towards Independence

2014

Ethno-nationalism is nationalism connected to ethnicity. Nationalism can be based on geographical boundaries, or a community. An ethno-nationalism is based on connecting a community to their common origins as one ethnic group, and includes a common language, race, faith and cultural inheritance. Ethnicity combines tribe, occupation, ideology, class and region. An inclination towards tribal supremacy is a classic feature of ethno-nationalism. Twenty-first century nationalisms and ethno-nationalisms are present in many continents. One political movement in the Middle East is Kurdish nationalism, a nation deserving of a sovereign homeland and the largest ethnic stateless group. This could be why though many Kurdish national parties’ agenda is bringing forth a land of Kurds -Kurdistan -tribal thinking, and internal squabbles are limiting factors. This article explores political aspects of Kurds for autonomy in the twenty-first century.

KURDISTAN RISING: Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region

Discussion about Kurdish independence both inside and outside Kurdistan too often remains limited to the moral argument: Do the Kurds deserve independence? Is it not their right? It may be, but that is not what this monograph is about. Whether or not the Kurds win independence is ultimately a question for the Kurds. What the current debate misses, however, is that, if the Kurds achieve their national aspiration, it will not be the end of the story but rather its beginning. Seldom, however, does this discussion occur in Kurdistan, let alone in the West.

Future Options of the Kurds. Part II: Historical Background

The following second part of our analysis provides historical background information in order to better understand future options of the Kurds. We explain here in some detail why so far in contemporary history, virtually all efforts failed to achieve legitimate national rights for the Kurds and why they could and should not be repeated in the future. We basically show in sketched small historical chapters that Kurds to date could only win limited national rights, like some forms of autonomous regional self-rule. The reasons for that are in many aspects. Firstly, because they were used over centuries both by dominant central as well as foreign powers as proxies for their interests and also cooperated with them for own split aims. Second, because Kurds are chronically divided, constantly at loggerheads, disunited (Sheikhmous, 1992 & 2013: " united in disunity ") and fragmented. Thirdly, although they remain a considerable force of stability in Eurasia and the Middle East and are indeed underway to democracy they are still unable to come true majority rule of Western democracies. And last but not least, because they lack experience governing themselves and diplomacy to secure their own national rights with one strong united voice.

Introduction: The Kurds as Barrier or Key to Democratization

Conflict, Democratization, and the Kurds in the Middle East, 2014

his edited volume contains a collection of essays from many of the most well-known, accomplished scholars working on the Kurdish issue and questions of democratization. It is divided into four sections. Section I focuses on the Kurds and barriers to democratization and democratic deficits in Turkey, Iraq, Iran, and Syria. Section II, "Democracy in Divided Societies," turns to existing academic literature, theories, and examples of multiethnic societies and democratic transitions for guidance. Section III, "The Kurds and Democratization," attempts to place more emphasis on Kurdish demands and the possibilities for democratization in Turkey, Iraq, Iran, and Syria. The final, fourth section of the volume draws readers' attention to the transborder nature of the Kurdish issue and how events in South, North, West, and East Kurdistan all impact each other. Contributors to the first section of the volume, "Authoritarianism and the Kurds," were asked to focus on the ways in which the Kurdish issue in Turkey, Iraq, Iran, or Syria was securitized and served to hinder democratization. All four contributors to this section were thus asked to focus a bit more on the negative side of a complex, multifaceted issue. Chapter 1, by Michael Gunter, therefore concentrates on the "deep state" in Turkey, and how until quite recently an unelected shadow state of elites in that country prevented any democratic reforms that might recognize the Kurds, return to them their rights, and truly incorporate them into the political system. Chapter 2, by Ozum Yesiltas, focuses on how Arab nationalists there viewed any compromise with the Kurds as the beginning of a slippery slope toward Kurdish secession, leading to a long history of authoritarian repression and D. Romano et al. (eds.