US’ Strategic Reorientation and Chinese Counter-Narrative: The Economic Reality of Asia-Pacific (original) (raw)

SINO-US STRATEGIC INTERESTS IN POST COLD WAR ERA: A CASE STUDY OF ASIA-PACIFIC Researcher

SINO-US STRATEGIC INTERESTS IN POST COLD WAR ERA: A CASE STUDY OF ASIA-PACIFIC , 2019

The Asia-Pacific region blusters over half of the globe’s population and as residue of major powers centre including the main arteries of international economies like India, China and Australia etc. Due to its dynamism, there are plausible reasons that Asia-Pacific would emanate as the mother region in the coming days. Historically, with the concurrence of US, Japan and Australia, the concept of Asia-Pacific emerged which has legalized the US’ involvement in the issues related to East Asia. In plain term, Asia-Pacific region invokes Asia, Australia and West Coast of North America for its potentials to crop up as a galvanic force. Strategically, covering 22 percent of world land, Asia-Pacific is one of the important and eloquent regions that comprises three well developed Economic Powers of the World i.e. China, Japan and US. In addition, the region encompasses world's six largest ports and six vital Sea Lanes of Communications i.e. straits of Makassar, South China Sea, Lombok, Malacca, Ombai - Wetar and Sunda. Due to the US’ involvement in Afghanistan and Iraq, Chinese managed to fill the vacuum and improve its economic ties with its Southeast Asian neighbours. China has the economic and technological influence all over the world with approximately 6 % average annual growth rate and an anticipation of taking over the economies of Japan and US by 2016 and 2039 respectively. However, rise of China coupled with its outreach to the global markets poses a consistent challenge to the US’ dominance hence emerges as a key challenge of 21st century to US’ interests at global and regional levels. As a result of which, US’ policy has been re-patronized towards Asia-Pacific for maintaining and expanding security network, strengthening the economic relations with her new and old allies and concurrently focuses on containment of China. In addition, US’ rebalancing has been claimed to strengthen bilateral security alliances with its allies, expanding trade and investment, promotion of democracy and human rights but China views the pivot as containment strategy and provocation act. Asia-pivot, a major shift in American policy shows that America has already started to calculate its options for dominating the region, both politically and militarily. US has been increasing its military components to reach to 60 % of total force ratio in Asia-Pacific region by 2020. In addition, US has been giving military assistances to Japan, Vietnam, Philippines etc in support of their territorial disputes against China. Amidst these developments, US-China engagement in Asia-Pacific and subsequent power transition have surfaced complications for regional states relations. Keeping in view the likely power transition between China and US, the difference in the Sino-US power potentials shall persist for coming 30 years but it will be reduced to some extent however, conflict cannot be completely ruled out as and when China attains power parity with the US. The rise of China was also examined in detail, providing an overview of how China’s role evolved in this regard and how the international community responded to this phenomenon. The perceptions of Sino-US relations are grounded in the intent and subjective understandings of each other’s interests and compulsions. These perceptions can easily determine how best the two states interpret each other’s actions in the wake of China’s rise and US Rebalancing of Asia-Pacific. In wholesome Sino-US cooperation in power transition and maintenance of friendly relations is the only option because why both the states should afford to engage themselves in conflict. In addition to adding new contribution to the existing body of literature, this research will help the readers to attain an understanding of the major issues of contention and convergence between China and US in the region. The contribution will be of significance nature in creating a framework within which Chinese and American regional policies can be understood and may serve as reference for policy makers and students of international politics.

The Contemporary US Foreign Policy Towards China Under the Obama and the Trump Administrations, Oudom Oum (2020)

2020

The study aims to explain the grand strategies and the nature of the US foreign policy towards China of the past two US administrations, namely the Obama and the Trump Administrations, with the implications of two structural realist strands, defensive and offensive realism, in the explanation. It offers a demonstration on what certain degree that defensive realism explains the Obama Administration’s China Policy, and on what certain degree that the offensive realism ex- plains the Trump Administration’s China Policy. This thesis is also conducted based on the analysis of structural realist explanations in which to the present time there have not been many studies that employ this notion into the analytical studies of US-China relations over the past one decade yet. The analysis of this thesis is built through the implications of structural realist explanations in the US’s China Policy of the past two administrations within three respective dimensions: economic, military/security, and diplomatic, followed by the analytical discussion over the comparative Chi- na Policy of the two administrations. The findings of the study indicate that none of the structural realist strands alone could explain everything about one administration’s China Policy. To empha- size, to some certain degrees, the combination of both defensive realism and offensive realism may offer a better and rational explanation about both administrations’ China Policy, whereas, to certain topics, neither defensive nor offensive realism could offer any rational explanation, including the implication of the America First Doctrine in the US’s foreign policy under the Trump Administra- tion. Overall, this thesis will provide an insight into the implications of structural realist strands in China Policy of the Obama and the Trump Administrations.

Challenges to Multilateralism in South Asia

MultilateralisM in a Changing World order, 2018

Standing in the way of realizing the vision of a “South Asian Union” at pres- ent is largely the rift between India and Pakistan. According to India’s Foreign Secretary S. Jaishankar, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) “is an organization which has been made ineffective due to inse- curity of one member.” Yet, one cannot imagine multilateralism without the presence of Pakistan, a large player in the South Asian arena. Unfortunately multilateralism in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation has failed due to this weak regional political leadership, and its inability to work towards resolution mechanisms when disputes are triggered.

From Hollywood to Bollywood? Recasting Australia's Indo/Pacific Strategic Geography

Australia’s strategic geography is being revolutionised. China and India’s rising maritime power, coupled with a Eurasia-wide ‘connectivity revolution’, is drawing together two formerly disparate theatres: the Asia–Pacific and the Indian Ocean region. This report argues against the Indo-Pacific idea and presents the case for a more regionally differentiated ‘Indo/Pacific’ alternative. The hyphen at the heart of the Indo-Pacific aggregates two distinct regional security orders that have differed widely in their historical evolution and that today present different challenges and regional order-building opportunities for Australia. By contrast, an Indo/Pacific strategic geography explicitly differentiates the Asia–Pacific from the Indian Ocean region and calibrates Australia’s strategies for regional engagement accordingly. The Asia–Pacific and the Indian Ocean region thus present increasingly interconnected—but still durably distinct—security orders. For this reason, Australia should pursue a regionally differentiated ‘triple track’ strategy of order-building.

Equilibri Mutevoli Nella Politica Estera Dell'India: Fattori Internazionali e Interni in Gioco

Il Politico

Dalla seconda vittoria elettorale di Narendra Modi, nel maggio 2019, le relazioni bilaterali USA-India sono state segnate da una cordialità senza precedenti toni. "Howdy, Modi!" è stato lo slogan usato alla cerimonia di ricevimento tenuta dal presidente Trump al Houston Strong Stadium il 22 settembre 2019, per accogliere il primo ministro indiano Narendra Modi, in visita negli Stati Uniti. In questa occasione, per la prima volta nelle relazioni bilaterali USA-India un presidente degli Stati Uniti ha elogiato sontuosamente un primo ministro indiano. Trump ha descritto Modi come un "amico leale" e ha celebrato i suoi risultati, in particolare "l'incredibile numero" di quasi 300 milioni di persone sollevate dalla povertà e 140 milioni di indiani elevati al rango di classe media. Trump ha sottolineato il processo elettorale democratico dell'India e i suoi tratti comuni comuni con la democrazia americana.

India-China in Shaping Regional Economic and Security Architecture

The growing strength of India-ASEAN relations has created unease for China with the improvement of India-US relations. China's main concern is that the new focus of US foreign policy toward the Asia-Pacific region - the so-called "pivot" - is aimed at containing China's rise. This paper is oriented towards assessing as to why India needs to involve China in shaping the future of Asia as the powerhouse of the world so much so that the world is redrawing its focus in Asia. India and China need to acknowledge each other’s strengths and weaknesses and contribute to shaping regional economic and security architecture. It is also in India’s interest to develop a strategy and build a peaceful environment conducive to both India and China’s aspirations rather than to be perceived by China to have any kind of a role in the so-called US led containment of China.

Is Japan preparing for a post-US Asia? View from the Czech Republic

The Indo-Pacific in the Post-Trump Era: Expectations and Challenges, 2021

Recent security changes in East Asia have prompted Japan to re-evaluate its role in the region. While remaining tied to the US-Japan alliance, Japan is finding ways to prepare for a post-alliance security environment in East Asia. It has done so through fostering minilateral security and multilateral economic frameworks, which complement the bilateral security guarantee. This trend marks a legacy of Shinzo Abe’s premiership and is likely to continue in the future.