Is the African media capable of telling an African narrative amid the competing interests of the US and China? (original) (raw)
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International Communication Gazzette, 2022
With the Joe Biden-Kamala Harris administration working toward the resetting of policies and strategies toward Africa and China, the question of whether African journalists will be accorded a chance to tell an African narrative amid the trilateral relationship has become more apparent. The influence exerted by China in African poses questions of whether China is "constructively" reporting Africa and whether journalists do see themselves as telling an African story. This study interrogates the role of African journalistic paradigms within a broader framework of what it means to constructively report Africa. It argues that despite the overwhelming challenges, the African media can tell its narrative if, (a). it seriously interrogates its journalism education system, (b). focus on in-depth reporting as opposed to efficiency and convenience, and (c). value its epistemologies and localize its content.
Sino-Africa relations through the lenses of Western, African and Chinese media
2018
In the modern era, the mass media represents one of the most important factors shaping foreign policy. It plays a central and active role in providing justification for policy positions, and is often the lens by which current events are viewed and given weight by the public and by policymakers alike. An important way that the media performs this role is by its use of ‘framing.’ A useful definition of the term ‘framing’ in this context is when certain aspects of perceived reality are chosen and assembled into narratives which emphasizes facts or events, deemphasizes others, and links them in a manner which promotes a particular interpretation, assessment, or resolution. By the use of framing, the media influences how its consumers understand a particular topic. 1
Emeka Umejei, Chinese Media in Africa: Perception, Performance, and Paradox
2020
Debates about Chinese interests in Africa that have emerged in the wake of unprecedented financial investments are often peppered with tales of postcolonial narratives. In communication scholarship, such debates are often characterized by a schism among African scholars who believe that China is there to uplift the African media through “constructively reporting” Africa, versus those who argue that China’s purported generosity is a “soft-power” strategy, as Caruso (2020) alluded (p. 55). In their studies, for example, Wasserman and Madrid-Morales (2018) and Benabdallah (2020) were able to demonstrate that China’s impact in the African media, and especially on journalistic values, is still questionable. These conclusions are mostly based on the study conducted in South Africa. There is still a dearth of scientific communication research documenting negative results, despite the underpinning theoretical assumptions. However, some dissertation work conducted in Zambia, where China now ...
Chinese Media in Africa Performance and Paradox
International Journal of Communication, 2021
Debates about Chinese interests in Africa that have emerged in the wake of unprecedented financial investments are often peppered with tales of postcolonial narratives. In communication scholarship, such debates are often characterized by a schism among African scholars who believe that China is there to uplift the African media through “constructively reporting” Africa, versus those who argue that China’s purported generosity is a “soft-power” strategy, as Caruso (2020) alluded (p. 55). In their studies, for example, Wasserman and Madrid-Morales (2018) and Benabdallah (2020) were able to demonstrate that China’s impact in the African media, and especially on journalistic values, is still questionable. These conclusions are mostly based on the study conducted in South Africa. There is still a dearth of scientific communication research documenting negative results, despite the underpinning theoretical assumptions. However, some dissertation work conducted in Zambia, where China now owns more than 60% of the government media, provides evidence of Chinese influence in the Zambian media. In my own forthcoming study, (Gondwe, forthcoming), I was able to demonstrate that China’s position in Zambian newsrooms has steadily been shifting toward a positive perception through the measure of sentiments and the interconnectedness of issue attributes (network agenda-setting). Regardless, these approaches take a Manichean prism that highlights the fears and hopes of Chinese presence in Africa. It is for this reason that Chinese Media in Africa: Perception, Performance, and Paradox becomes a must-read.
Media Coverage of China Africa Relations
Mater paper, 2013
The main aim of this study was to examine the media coverage of China- Africa relations in light of Framing and Orientalism theories. The study focused on the 21st century China- Africa relations, when China has become one of the world’s powerful nations and Africa has started building a new name. It also pointed out emphasized and deemphasized issues and commonly utilized media sources. To this end, a qualitative method, (particularly) textual analytic method was used. The BBC and ETV were selected purposefully and their online version of the news stories published from Jan. 2011 to Feb. 30, 2013, were collected from the websites, www.com/newsandwww.erta.gov.et, respectively. The analysis shows that the BBC and ETV online news stories used the South-South co-operation frame, non-interference frame, and mutual benefit frame in articulating China-Africa relations. While ETV’s online news stories focused on success-oriented positive narratives in describing the relationship, the BBC online news stories presented both the positive and the negative sides of China-Africa relations a bit with some exaggerations on the negative side of the relationship. Along the negative side, the BBC's online news stories framed the relationship as a new form of colonization. However, ETV had nothing to say about the negative consequences of China’s practice on the Continent. ETV online news stories highlighted the economic and political gains that have accrued from China-Africa relations, whereas they deemphasized the negative influence the relationship brought on Africa. The two selected media outlets represented China-Africa relations differently. What is more, while ETV’s news sources were predominantly official government sources, the BBC used an array of sources from different walks of life in its news production. This might be attributable to the fact that the two media outlets follow different models of journalism: ETV follows the developmental journalism model, whereas the BBC adheres to the liberal model. Finally, based on these findings a few recommendations have been suggested.
Emeka Umejei, Chinese Media in Africa Performance and Paradox: Book Review
International Journal of Communication, 2021
Debates about Chinese interests in Africa that have emerged in the wake of unprecedented financial investments are often peppered with tales of postcolonial narratives. In communication scholarship, such debates are often characterized by a schism among African scholars who believe that China is there to uplift the African media through “constructively reporting” Africa, versus those who argue that China’s purported generosity is a “soft-power” strategy, as Caruso (2020) alluded (p. 55). In their studies, for example, Wasserman and Madrid-Morales (2018) and Benabdallah (2020) were able to demonstrate that China’s impact in the African media, and especially on journalistic values, is still questionable. These conclusions are mostly based on the study conducted in South Africa. There is still a dearth of scientific communication research documenting negative results, despite the underpinning theoretical assumptions. However, some dissertation work conducted in Zambia, where China now owns more than 60% of the government media, provides evidence of Chinese influence in the Zambian media. In my own forthcoming study, (Gondwe, forthcoming), I was able to demonstrate that China’s position in Zambian newsrooms has steadily been shifting toward a positive perception through the measure of sentiments and the interconnectedness of issue attributes (network agenda-setting). Regardless, these approaches take a Manichean prism that highlights the fears and hopes of Chinese presence in Africa. It is for this reason that Chinese Media in Africa: Perception, Performance, and Paradox becomes a must-read
2022
This study is grounded in framing theory to understand tones and frames adopted by media from various regions when covering Chinese investment in Africa. Relying on news articles collected from Factiva and Nexis Uni databases, the study focuses on four tones (positive, negative, neutral, and mixed) and five generic frames (conflict, human interest, attribution of responsibility, morality, and economic consequences). The results of this quantitative content analysis indicate that Chinese, Kenyan, South African, and Nigerian media reported on Chinese investment in Africa using a positive tone, while media in the United States and Britain adopted a negative tone. Furthermore, each generic frame was adopted with varying levels of intensity across the countries investigated in this study. The conclusion is discussed in terms of how each country’s economic and political interests involved in the Chinese investments debate influence the tone and frame of the news media coverage.
Chinese Media Engagement with Africa and the Role of African Agency The Cases of Kenya and Ethiopia
Megatrends Afrika Policy Brief, 2024
This policy brief reveals the complexity of Chinese media engagement with African countries, highlighting involvement from both state and private actors through a variety of forms. At its core, China aims to champion its development paradigm as a viable alternative to Western models, augment its soft power, strengthen economic links, and sway public opinion to counterbalance prevailing Western narratives. Furthermore, this policy brief highlights the critical role of economic conditions and the political economy of the media in shaping the agency of African media organizations. It demonstrates that media entities with robust commercial strategies, situated in environments with relatively independent media regulations (e.g., Kenya), exhibit a more assertive agency compared to those in settings characterized by restricted press freedoms and scarce commercial opportunities (e.g., Ethiopia).