Facts: The interplay between the matrix predicate and its clausal complement (original) (raw)
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The Factive, IHRC, and Cleft constructions in Korean
Review of Cognitive Linguistics. Published under the auspices of the Spanish Cognitive Linguistics Association, 2023
This article aims to develop a Cognitive Grammar (CG) analysis of three grammatical constructions in Korean, all of which employ the bound noun kes. The data under examination includes the Factive, Internally Headed Relative Clause (IHRC), and Cleft constructions. We propose a uniform treatment of the three types of kes by arguing that it denotes a schematic noun that profiles a thing (noun) and has some role in the process of the adnominal clause. Different interpretations of these constructions arise due to different types of conceptualizations involved in each instance. In so doing, we point out that previous proposals that deal with kes are neither general enough to capture the commonalities observed in all three constructions nor can account for the new observations we present.
Argument structure and event structure: the case of Korean imperfective constructions
This paper uncovers a systematic correlation between semantics of aspect and syntactic argument structure as manifested in the difference between two imperfective aspect markers -ko iss and -a iss in Korean. Unlike the common assumption that the -ko iss form is a progressive marker, while the -a iss form is a resultative marker, this paper argues that the difference between the two derives from their different argument structure: -ko iss selects transitive and unergative verbs, which have an external argument, while -a iss selects unaccusative and passive verbs, which only have an internal theme argument. It is argued that the difference in argument structure is determined by semantic event structure depending on agentivity in Korean. The results of the paper have broader implications for the issues of syntax and semantics interface and unaccusativity.
The Distribution of Multiple Subject Constructions in Korean
Language Research, 2003
It has often been observed in the literature that multiple subject constructions(MSCs) are acceptable only with stative predicates. While the notion of stativity can play a role in accounting for the distribution of MSCs, the analysis based on verbal aspect sometimes leads to incorrect predictions. In this paper, it is argued that in order to explain the acceptability of MSCs consistently, sentential aspect rather than verbal aspect must be considered, and also contextual factors must be taken into account. It is also pointed out that those contextual factors can be subsumed by the notion of characterization in Jang (1998). Meanwhile, MSCs beginning with a subject associated with location need a special treatment since it can be regarded as a locative phrase as well as a subject, and hence a double subject construction can be licensed even if its predicate belongs to activity predicates or characterization relation does not hold.
A Clausal Predicate Analysis of Korean Multiple Nominative Constructions
Korean Journal of Linguistics, 2008
[A Clausal Predicate Analysis of Korean Multiple Nominative Constructions. Korean Journal of Linguistics , 33-4, 869-900] We will provide a clausal predicate analysis of Multiple Nominative Constructions (MNCs) in Korean, under the spirit of phrase structure grammar approaches. MNCs in Korean have two interesting characteristics: there is no limit on the number of nominative NPs in the construction, and the nominative NPs in MNCs are not directly related to each other. The purpose of this paper is twofold. Firstly, we will provide new syntactic mechanisms that capture the two characteristics above. In doing so, we will compare MNCs with multiple accusative constructions (MACs) in order to better understand their syntactic and semantic characteristics. Secondly, regarding the grammatical function of the nominative NPs of MNCs, we will show that the initial NP does not have a special status, e.g., as a "Large/Major Subject." It will be proven to be a regular subject of the clausal predicate on its right, just as each of the other NPs are the subject of the (clausal) predicate on its right.
University of Victoria, 2019
In this dissertation I provide an account of the distribution of Korean clause-typing markers from the perspective of a formal typological model, the Universal Spine Hypothesis (Wiltschko, 2014, 2017). Although Korean clause-typing markers have both syntactic properties (expressing force/mood, Chomsky 2000, 2001) and pragmatic properties (expressing speech styles, Sohn 1999), my investigation focuses on the morphosyntactic properties of clause-typing markers in single-layered and double-layered CPs. I detail their ability to transmit clause type, their compatibility with TAM elements, and their incompatibility with subordinators and speech act elements. My central claim is that, through an association with the linking spine (i.e., CP in generative grammar), clause-typing markers, including ta and e, construct Korean language-specific categories. Clause-typing markers interact with a syntactic domain encoding the common ground of speech participants, the grounding spine. My dissertation has two major findings. First, the morphophonological realization of C is obligatory in both finite and non-finite clauses. I therefore propose a Clause Complementation Parameter (CCP)—all clauses must have a complementizer, and a C must have a correspondent PF realization. This accounts for the expletive-like dummy complementizers e and ci which can fill the head of the three basic clause types. Second, functional elements selecting clause-typing markers support the existence of syntactic projections above the traditional CP. For instance, iterative ko and hearsay y in reiterated and hearsay utterances, respectively, must be associated with the syntactic domain above CP. I argue that along with polite yo and intonation, they construct Korean language-specific categories through their association with the three universal categorizers k: linking, k: grounding, and k: responding. This is formulated as [RespP [GroundP [LinkingP [AnchoringP …-ssPAST] -taDECL] -yHEARSAY] (-yoPOLITE) -↑]. Investigations of the distributions of periphrastic irrealis clause-typing markers and multifunctional clause-typing markers contribute to our understanding of the multifaceted nature of category C: the periphrastic irrealis markers show that C with T can restrict the person feature on the subject. The interpretations of multifunctional markers in different morphosyntactic contexts show that their properties emerge in two ways: through interaction with local elements in the domain or by virtue of their association with hierarchically distinct domains. Assuming the Universal Spine Hypothesis, I have accounted for the morphosyntactic properties of Korean clause-typing markers by proposing language-specific categories considering the functional layers. This dissertation offers a more complete account of Korean grammar but also will provide an explanation for cross-linguistic differences in encoding of clause-typing—Units of Languages change how C appears.
Towards a Unified Account of Resultative Constructions in Korean
This paper discusses predicative resultative constructions in Korean and argues that they are actually a kind of clausal resultative construction (see the two types of resultatives in Wechsler and Noh, 2001). In particular, I propose the following hypotheses: (i) the resultative predicate, X-key, is morpho-syntactically an adverb rather than an adjective, (ii) X-key forms a fully saturated clause (i.e., result clause) (sometimes with the predication subject omitted), and (iii) the result clause is a complement of the main verb in a resultative sentence. Based on these properties, a unified analysis of the resultative constructions is formalized in Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG)
A Variety of Grammatical Constructions*1 ) -Double-Accusative Constructions in Korean Revisited
Korean Linguistics , 2019
Yeon, Jaehoon. 2019. 11. A Variety of Grammatical Constructions: Double-Accusative Constructions in Korean Revisited. Korean Linguistics 85, 203~241. In Korean, there are constructions in which the accusative particle ul/lul occurs on more than one NP within a single sentence. Among many types of the so-called 'Double Accusative Constructions' (DAC), an External Possession (EP) Type DAC (Payne & Barshi, 1999) is the main concern of this paper. It has been questionable whether DACs are genuine double object constructions. We have argued that DACs can be regarded as structures in which there is only one real object, but two Acc-marked NPs, based on some object diagnostics. We have examined the constraints acting upon Korean EP type DACs while arguing that Korean DACs cannot be fully explained solely based on syntax or semantics without considering some pragmatic and cognitive factors. We have shown that 'contiguity' and 'affectedness' are the two most important factors in determining constraints on felicitous EP type DACs. The notion of 'contiguity' and 'affectedness' is more appropriate than any other factors such as the distinction between alienable and inalienable possession to characterise more accurately the relationship between the possessor and the possessee in Korean EP type DACs. It is also noted that 'contiguity' and 'affectedness' cannot be thematic roles or semantic roles because what counts as 'contiguous' and 'affected' is context-dependent and cognitively/pragmatically interpreted. The degree of acceptability and interpretation of DACs depend on pragmatics and extra-linguistic knowledge.
The Temporal System of Noun-Modifying (Attributive) Clauses in Korean from a Typological Perspective
Studies in Language, 1993
The temporal system of noun-modifying clauses in Korean manifests a three-way aspectual opposition among non-prior imperfective, prior imperfective, and morphologically unmarked perfective, a crosslinguistically common pattern manifested in West African languages, creole languages, Persian, and Lakhota, etc. The semantic and mor-phosyntactic distribution of temporal expressions in noun-modifying clauses in Korean cannot be characterized with the temporal dimension of aspectual distinctions such as completion, ongoingness, inception, duritivity, but with the totality dimension of aspectual distinctions of whether the speaker's viewpoint is within or outside the event frame in which the situation described takes place.
어학연구, 1976
Relational Grammar and Korean Syntax*-So-called 'double-subject' and 'double-object' constructions revisited Masayoshi Shibatani In constructing a viable theory of universal grammar, it is becoming increasingly clear that grammatical relations such as subject and direct object must be considered as theoretical primitives and that they play a central role in the formulation of syntactic rules and •constraints_ This position, recently advocated by the proponents of a syntactic theory known as relational grammar, is motivated in part by the facts such as: l) Chomsky's derivative definitions of 'subject-of' and 'object-of' may not be applicable universally,l 2) the universal properties of certain syntactic processes cannot be adequately captured unless alternations in grammatical relations that accompany transformations are properly expres-' sed,2 and 3) a series of universal constraints on syntactic rules can be stated in terms of possible alternations of grammatical relations. 3 Even in a description of syntactic rul es of individ ual languages, the notion of grammatical relations plays an important role in allowing us to capture significant generalizations in a concise format. In Korean syntax the notion of subject, for example, plays an jmportant role in a number of syntactic processes. In Reflexivization it is the subject NP .that functions as a trigger. Thus in (l), the only possible interpretation is that the reflexive formcaki 'self' is coreferential with the subject NP Yanshiki; the sentence does not allow the reading in which caki is coreferential with the direct object ai 'child'. (l) Y,mshiki ka ai hI caki ii pang esa ttreli-at-ta 'Yonshigii hit the childj in self;'s/*self/s room .' * Different versions of this paper were presented at K yungbook National University in Taegu and before the 1976 Annual Meeting of the Language Research Institute. Seoul National Universit y in 'Seoul. I am grateful to Alan Hyun-Oak Kim and Ho-min Sohn for providing me with some of the data included here and discussing the topics covered here with me. This work was supported by a research fellowship of the American Council of Learned Societies. 'Chomsky~s definitions of 'subject-of' as an NP immediately dominated by S. and of 'object-of' as an NP immediately dominated by VP cannot be applied. Shibatani, M. to appear. Grammatical relations and surface cases. Language.