Does Origin Matter? Ethnic Group Position and Attitudes Toward Immigrants: The Case of Russia (original) (raw)
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The nature of anti-immigrant sentiment in post-socialist Russia
Post-Soviet Affairs, 2015
The main aim of this study was to investigate whether the competition and cultural theoretical models that have received solid empirical support in the context of Western European societies can explain anti-foreigner sentiment in post-socialist Russia as a society searching for new national identity borders. Data obtained from the third round of the European Social Survey (2006) indicate a high level of anti-foreigner sentiment in contemporary Russia – more than 60% of Russians claimed that immigrants undermine the cultural life of the country, and almost 60% claimed that immigration is bad for the economy of the country. Our multivariate analysis showed that the two sets of individual-level predictors of anti-foreigner sentiment – the socioeconomic position of individuals (as suggested by the competition model) and conservative views and ideologies (as suggested by the cultural model) – are not meaningful in predicting anti-foreigner sentiment in post-socialist Russia. The results are discussed from a comparative sociology perspective and in the context of the Russian society.
Post-Soviet Affairs The nature of anti-immigrant sentiment in post-socialist Russia
The main aim of this study was to investigate whether the competition and cultural theoretical models that have received solid empirical support in the context of Western European societies can explain anti-foreigner sentiment in post-socialist Russia as a society searching for new national identity borders. Data obtained from the third round of the European Social Survey indicate a high level of anti-foreigner sentiment in contemporary Russia -more than 60% of Russians claimed that immigrants undermine the cultural life of the country, and almost 60% claimed that immigration is bad for the economy of the country. Our multivariate analysis showed that the two sets of individual-level predictors of anti-foreigner sentiment -the socioeconomic position of individuals (as suggested by the competition model) and conservative views and ideologies (as suggested by the cultural model) -are not meaningful in predicting antiforeigner sentiment in post-socialist Russia. The results are discussed from a comparative sociology perspective and in the context of the Russian society.
Two peoples – Two stories: Anti-immigrant attitudes in Post-socialist Russia
Social Problems, 2017
This article investigates mechanisms underlying anti-immigrant sentiment in post-socialist Russia in particular, and in societies undergoing a search for new national identity borders in general. We argue that when the borders of national identity are drawn and redefined, the forces that drive anti-immigrant attitudes differ meaningfully for members of the ethnic majority group and for members of the minority population. Our empirical analysis utilizes data obtained from a representative sample of the Russian population by the European Social Survey (2006-2012). Descriptive data reveal that the level of anti-immigrant attitudes among ethnic Russians (the majority population) is higher than among non-ethnic Russians (ethnic minority group), reflecting the fact that the crisis of national identity in post-socialist Russia has undermined, primarily, a sense of group position of ethnic majority. Our main findings demonstrate that in post-socialist Russia, as a society undergoing the critical period of the reconsideration of national identity, the anti-immigrant attitudes of the ethnic majority group rely mostly on perceptions of collective (state) vulnerability, while the anti-immigrant attitudes of ethnic minority groups rely to a greater degree on individuals’ vulnerable socioeconomic position, and conservative views and ideologies (i.e., self-interests).
Exposure to Immigration and Sense of Socio-Territorial Belonging: Evidence from Russia
Problems of Post-Communism, 2023
This paper examines the relationship between exposure to immigration in one’s region or locality and sense of socio-territorial belonging, understood as a “we-feeling” toward other inhabitants of the territory. Based on the Russian case, it addresses the question whether higher intensity of in-migration is related to weaker sense of belonging and how this relationship depends on immigrant origin. Using survey data combined with official statistical data, I found a negative relation when immigration from non-CIS states is considered, but not in case of in-migration from CIS states. I interpret these findings in terms of symbolic boundaries and the Soviet legacy.
The goal of this chapter is to investigate sources, manifestations and regional specifics of everyday migrant phobia and xenophobia among residents of Moscow which has been, throughout the post-Soviet period, one of the main magnets for numerous labour migrants from poverty- and/or war-stricken Transcaucasian republics and North Caucasus in Russia itself, and also, since the early 2000s, from certain parts of Central Asia. The analysis is deliberately comparative in two aspects. First, it is aimed at drawing some parallels between the scale and manifestations of anti-migrant sentiments in different countries of Western Europe and those among residents of Russia (taking Moscow as a case-study). This type of research both in Europe and in Russia operates with the results of large-scale surveys based on representative samples. The first part of the paper is an attempt to show how the main factors provoking anti-migrant attitudes in Europe (various individual-level and contextual factors) as well as the main concepts explaining these attitudes (e.g., concepts of potential threat, of social contact; defended neighbourhood theory, etc.) might reveal themselves and operate under the social conditions of the biggest city of Russia. Second, proceeding from the idea that quantitative and qualitative methods of collecting empirical data are complementary, in the second part of the chapter we turn to comparison of the results of ROMIR large-scale survey conducted in Moscow in June 2013 within the framework of the NEORUSS project, with those of a series of 30 in-depth interviews conducted by the authors among Muscovites in 2013-2014. In the authors’ knowledge, micro-level research of popular attitudes towards migrants and migration have not yet been conducted in Russia. According to the interviews, two features of Muscovites’ perceptions of labour migrants deserve special attention. This is, first, social-political contextualization of “migration issue” within wider social situation in Moscow — the fact which reveals itself in a marked overweight of social/political associations in respondents’ narratives, compared with a much lower interest in “ethno-cultural otherness” of migrants. Second, Muscovites’ opinion is marked by what we call a “demonstrative xenophobia”. Many of them select questionnaire options which reflect their perception of migrants as a source of threat to the Russian culture, economy, etc. In the same time the ways of interpretation of migration via interviews testify that real migrants whom Muscovites meet every day in various parts of the city, are not perceived through the lens of “threat”.
(1)Dynamics of Youth's Attitude to Migrants in the Nizhny Novgorod Region (Russia)
The problem of attitude of young generations towards migrants in the modern value paradigm has become urgent not only due to multi-ethnic character of the Russian civilization, but also due to migration processes triggered by contemporary international events. The empirical base for the long-term research into the dynamics of youth values shows a clear correlation between growing anti-immigrant sentiments and aggravation of interethnic relations inside the country. Ongoing studies determine factors contributing to optimization of state institutions, traditional religious and national non-governmental organizations focused on building and strengthening tolerance, early prevention of extremism and ethno-confessional conflicts among young people. Surveys and actual interethnic relations prove that urgency of the problem lies in the fact that deterioration of youth’s attitude to migrants entails deterioration of respondents’ attitude to other ethnic groups residing in Russia. Findings of the ongoing studies build a scientific base for contemporary forecasting of further interethnic communication which has a big impact on values and behavioral motivation of young people.
The article summarises the sociological data of empirical measurements conducted in Russia during 2012~2019 on the issue of collective perceptions of Russians regarding labour migrants, and presents the results of the author's 2019 sociological survey. A comparative analysis of publications and experimental data on the topic allows us to conclude that the problems of adaptation and integration of migrants into the accepted multi-ethnic space of Russia at the present stage are studied comprehensively. Based on the author's empirical research, it is noted that Russians recognise the contribution of migrants to the country's economy by filling the shortage of workers in unattractive/low-paid jobs. Still, the attitude towards labour migrants remains wary for several reasons, the main of which are the low level of newcomers education, unwillingness to get acquainted with the language and culture of the host society, as well as the negative image of migrants formed in the media.
International Migration Review, 2023
This article examines the relationship between ethnic diversity and out-group trust in contemporary Russia, while distinguishing between long-standing ethnic diversity and recent immigration. In contrast to previous research that tested whether past regional experience with diversity is related to people's attitudes toward out-group members, we focus on long-standing ethnic diversity, defined as diversity resulting from the long-term coexistence of ethnic groups in a region, not recent immigration. We hypothesize that while the presence of out-groups may initially be threatening to the members of an ethnic group, long-standing diversity has positive consequences for intergroup relations. Using 2015 survey data combined with census and official registration data from Russian regions, we found that inhabitants of regions with higher levels of long-standing ethnic diversity tended to show higher out-group trust, while accounting for socio-economic characteristics of the regions and of individuals. In contrast, inhabitants of regions with higher recent immigration tended to have lower out-group trust, all else held constant. While these associations were weak, they speak in favor of a dynamic model of intergroup trust, which involves learning about others through mutual coexistence. We also acknowledge that the autochthonous status of ethnic minorities and existing institutional arrangements regarding different ethnic groups in Russia may additionally contribute to the development of trust.
What Explains People's Attitudes Towards Immigrants? A Comparative Study of Estonia and Russia
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2000
The paper focuses on a comparative analysis of people's attitudes towards immigrants' role in several aspects of countries' life depending on individual's socio-demographic and economic characteristics in Estonia and Russia. The empirical part of the paper relies on the European Social Survey (ESS) fifth round database. The results of the study show that Estonian peoples' attitudes towards immigrants are, on average, better in all aspects of the country's lifeeconomy, culture and the country as a living place, compared to Russia. Both economic and non-economic factors explain the observed variation of individual's opinions about the role of immigrants in countries' life. Ethnic minorities, religious people and people with higher income are more tolerant to immigrants in both countries. Socio-demographic characteristics such as age, gender and education are valid determinants of people's attitudes towards immigrants only in Estonia. Better educated people have more positive attitudes towards immigrants compared to less educated people in the case of Estonia but not Russia. The results of the analysis therefore highlight the necessity to take different factors into account for the design of migration and integration policies in the countries with ethnically diverse population.