Anything But Race : The Social Science Retreat From Racism (original) (raw)
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Race and theory: Culture, poverty, and adaptation to discrimination in Wilson and Ogbu
Sociological Theory, 1999
This article provides the theoretical resources to resolve a number of conundrums in the work of William Julius Wilson and John Ogbu. Contrary to what Wilson's and Ogbu's work sometimes imply, inner-city blacks are not enmeshed in a "culture of poverty," but rather are generally committed to mainstream values and their normative expectations. Activities that deviate from these values derive from the cognitive expectations inner-city blacks have formed in the face of their restricted legitimate opportunity structures. These expectations, which suggest that educational and occupational success are improbable for inner-city residents, are accurate. If their opportunities were to improve, their cognitive expectations would change and most would be committed to taking advantage of these new opportunities. The differences that separate the inner-city poor from whites center on cultural symbols, which help constitute their identity, sometimes in opposition to the white majority. Most deficiencies in performance among blacks stem not from these cultural attributes, but from the way they are processed in white-dominated organizations. Given a majority commitment to equal opportunity and a majority belief that blacks actually have equal opportunity, many conclude from their performance that blacks are in some sense inferior. This "new racism" overdetermines the performance of blacks.
Disadvantage Deconstructed: African American Perspectives on Success Prospects
2014
First, I would like to thank each of the ten study participants for taking time out of their day to sit down and share their experiences with me. I am also in debt to the participating religious institution and all of its members for so warmly welcoming me into their congregation. I especially thank the pastors of that institution for introducing me to the participants and allowing me access to church facilities to conduct interviews. I would also like to thank Dr. Stephen Caliendo for being the best thesis adviser I could have asked for and Dr. Kristin Geraty for providing me with much needed direction in my research. Additionally, I am in debt to Dr. Jennifer Keys for her comments on an earlier draft of this paper. Finally, I thank all of my friends and family for so earnestly supporting me as I completed what has proven to be the most challenging and extensive, but also the most rewarding, project of my academic career.
Metaracism: explaining the persistence of racial inequality
Choice Reviews Online, 2015
List of Tables and Figures vii 1 What Is Metaracism? 2 The Structure of Metaracism 3 The Culture of Metaracism 4 Politics, the State, and the Maintenance of Racial Oppression 5 The Growth of Inequality 6 The Assault on Social Welfare and Education Policies 7 The Incarceration Crisis 8 Minority Voter Suppression 9 Metaracism at a Crossroads Bibliography Index About the Book v Contents The twenty-first century promises to be a paradoxical period in US race relations: an age of unparalleled progress, yet of unprecedented repression; an epoch of remarkable racial advancement, yet of persisting racial inequality; a season proclaimed to be one of postracial/post-civil rights politics, yet one of continuing racial strife. This paradox is not new. It has persisted throughout US history. It has just become more pronounced. On the positive side of the ledger, African Americans serve in highly visible and prominent political positions. Barack Obama was elected the first black president in this nation's history and then reelected to a second term. Colin Powell became the first black man and Condoleezza Rice the first black woman to serve as secretary of state. Mo Cowan of Massachusetts and Tim Scott of South Carolina became the first two black men in history to serve simultaneously in the US Senate. Cory Booker was elected the first black senator from New Jersey. This is an age for the progress of black professionals, marked by a dramatic increase in the number of black physicians, black scientists, black university professors, black engineers, black attorneys, black chief executive officers (CEOs), and other black professionals. Indeed, between 1970 and 2008, the nationwide number of black physicians increased from 6,044 to 54,364, attorneys from 3,703 to 46,644, and college professors from 16,582 to 63,336. 1 This constitutes a period of visible and profound racial progress. On the negative side, some consider this to be the new Gilded Age 2 and the new Jim Crow era. 3 This is a period in which the rich have grown richer; inequality has become more extreme; the black/white gap in income, wealth, and education has widened; equal opportunities have diminished; and upward mobility has declined. Incarceration rates among the poorer and darker citizens have soared, evoking complaints and condemnation
American Racialization: An Ecosystem and Non-Phenomenon
American Racialization: An Ecosystem and Non-Phenomenon Ivan Nikolic, PhD. 2023, 2023
This article delves into the complexities of racialization in the United States, presenting it as a deeply entrenched ecosystem rather than a mere phenomenon. Contrary to the simplistic understanding of racism as prejudice based on skin color, this analysis reveals racialization as a systemic issue, perpetuated by historical legacies, sociocultural conditioning, and institutional practices. Through a critical examination of various sociological theories and historical instances, it is argued herein that racism is a socially constructed mechanism, taught and internalized through processes that label non-whiteness as deviant and inferior. By exploring the roles of education, media, and social policy in reinforcing racial taxonomies, this article highlights how racial disparities are institutionalized and internalized, contributing to a complex network of racial advantages and disadvantages. Drawing from Bonilla-Silva's framework on "racialized social systems" and incorporating insights from Carmichael and Hamilton on institutional racism, as well as discussions on cultural racism and the psychological impact of racial discrimination, the article presents a multifaceted view of racialization. This approach underscores the necessity of addressing both the overt and covert aspects of racism, advocating for comprehensive interventions aimed at dismantling its foundational structures. Through this exploration, the article illuminates the intricate dynamics of racialization as an ecosystem, emphasizing the critical need for a holistic understanding and approach to effectively combat racial inequalities.
4th November 2008 has been considered as one of the most important historical event in the whole African American history: the election of Barack Obama would have represented the accomplishment of the long path of African Americans to equality. According to some observers, as the first “black” President, as he described himself while filling the 2010 Federal Census1, Obama tore down “the last racial barrier inside American politics”2. 80% of African Americans considered Obama's election as a dream come true, 96% of them was sure that his mandate would improve racial relations3, 95% of them voted for Obama in 20084: an optimistic aura surrounded the President, during both the presidential campaign and the first part of the mandate, but does this optimism have roots? Could Obama's election could actually be considered such a symbolic final point of African Americans' struggle? The aim of this paper is not to describe the dual attitude used by the President toward the racial question, but rather to examine the concrete condition of African Americans in the United States nowadays, its reproducing causes and the implemented political efforts with a view to equality. In order to reach this goal, in first part, I would describe the concrete condition of African Americans in the contemporary United States, stressing both achievements and limits on the way to integration. My purpose will be to highlight the main elements that let us understand why racial equality is still an utopia for black people. In the second part, I will focus my attention on the relationship between segregation and inequality, enriching my dissertation with official statistics and papers. The main reference is the political philosopher Elisabeth Anderson's “nonideal theory”5 of social justice which aims to describe segregation as one of the main causes of the persistence of inequality among the African Americans and to promote “integration as an imperative of justice and an ideal of intergroup relations in democratic society”6. In the third part, I will discuss the concept of discrimination aiming to stress its importance as a key factor reproducing and enforcing inequality. Finally, I will examine how colour-blindness and integration could be possible solutions to gain racial justice: the aim of this chapter is to show advantages and drawbacks of what has been done in order to draw the attention on past mistakes, on the basis of which it will be possible to open the way for new socio-political strategies. Hence, my paper is founded on both Elisabeth Anderson's “The Imperative of Integration” and Glenn Loury's “The Anatomy of Racial Inequality”. By jointly reading the two texts, I aim to paint a colourful scene of the condition of the African American, taking into account both lights and shades, failures and hopes.
The State of Black America, 1999: The Impact of Color-Consciousness in the United States
1998
The economic state of Black America has never been healthier. Unemployment is at a record low, the share of adults with jobs is at a record high, every segment of income distributionfrom the bottom fifth to the topis at a record high. Clearly at such levels, it is difficult to maintain claims about the lack of skills among African Americans in a modern economy. After all, the unemployment rate for African-American men in this highly competitive, well-functioning economythe envy of the worldis lower than the unemployment rate for males in most European countries. So. it follows that national economic policies may have much more to say to us than we have focused on. Yet, despite a 1990s growth pattern that has benefited African Americans far more than the growth path of a decade ago, persistent racial gaps leave African-American unemployment at levels more typical of recessions for white America. The African-American unemployment rate has slid just below a level that is double the national average, where it persistently hovers. Continued growth may push it lower. But why did the effect of economic policy on African Americans drift into the background of discussion? Why did the national debate move away from the effects of racism to a discussion on race? The State of Black America 1999 looks at a philosophy of approaching racial differences. It lifts 9 FOREWORD a veil on social science research that clouds our view of race and policies addressing racial disparities in income, wealth and life chances. By challenging the predominant use of race, this compilation refocuses us on the effects of discrimination, as well as on a lost term: "institutional racism." And by so doing, it helps to maintain the defense of affirmative action. Surprisingly, most social science research on racial disparities begins with no definition of race. To many, that may be surprising; to others it may be self-evident. But how race is defined determines how we understand racial disparities. Imagine reading an article that examines "success." Immediately, you would want to know how the author defines success, since it probably would affect the author's conclusion. We think we know what we mean by race, but do we really? When a researcher concludes, like the authors of The Bell Curve, that racial differences are genetic differences, that is one definition of racea naturally occurring, gene-based grouping. Yet, writing on the same subject, using the same data sets, a different set of authors concluded that racial differences were really differences in unobserved child-rearing practicesa social construct of race based on ethnic affinities, a cultural definition of race. Where did those definitions come from? How did those authors assert those meanings of race? Understanding racial differences plunges us deep into the methodologies of social science. Unlike physical scientists who can do controlled experimentsfor instance, giving water to one field of corn, water and fertilizer to another field of corn and nothing to another field of cornsocial scientists must rely on existing differences, and how those differences, or variations, relate. People with higher-than-average education, for instance, tend to earn higherthan-average incomes. But because social science deals with real-world issues, there are many different variations. Not all education is the same. People 10 THE STATE OF BLACK AMERICA get educated in very different settings, and some study harder than others. Some variations are observed, like the number of years of schooling, and the data is collected for the social scientist to see. Other variations, such as the effort expended in getting an education, are not collected. So the meaning of race becomes very important in understanding how to interpret differences in those things that are observed and most things that are not observed. The State of Black America 1999 highlights how, among those things we observe like family background, income and school resources, there are more similarities across races than differences within races. It's the approach anthropologists have taken in looking at race and genetics, and they have found that genetic differences across races are far fewer than genetic differences within race groupings. The conclusion: Race is not a biological category, but a social category. Brian Smedley highlights how race influences policy in an arena not usually subjected to such scrutiny: cancer research. Cancer is a leading cause of death. Except for a few cancers, they are not related to genetics. African Americans die at a higher rate than whites from cancer. Because there is no genetic basis for racial categories, and very little genetic basis for cancer, it's a startling statistic. Smedley's piece emphasizes how the almost glib way racebased differences in cancer rates are reported has led to a national lack of emphasis in researching race-based differences in cancer death rates. The way racial differences in cancer rates are reported suggests a biological base to the differences, which to some does not warrant extra study. That is disturbing, because other studies have pointed to race-based differences in the aggressiveness with which some diseases are treated. It's just one dramatic confirmation that defining what we mean by race can be extremely important. Most social science research assumes race is "exogenous," that is, determined by naturean immutable variable. That allows racial disparities to be associated with other differences that might be racial in origin, like culture or family structure. The policy implications of 11 FOREWORD such an approach are clear. Why do racial disparities persist when obvious barriers to racial inclusion, like legal segregation, have faded, and observable racial differences, like years of schooling, have gotten smaller? In its less benign form, the answer is because the genetic or social structure of African Americans is inferior. The assumption is that African Americans are more like other African Americans, despite differences in income, education, family structure and residence, than they are like whites of similar incomes, education, family structure and residence. That is, an African-American married couple with a college education and family, living in the suburbs, is more similar to an African-American, single-parent family without a high school education, living in the central city, than they are like their white counterparts. A racial income gap that remains for African Americans and whites with equal observed differences is explained assuming that some common, but unobserved, African-American trait is the culprit. Stripped of observed differences, such an approach must rely on unobserved negative traitswhich a non-social scientist might easily be forgiven for interpreting as "stereotype." It also explains why some social scientists can make explaining racial disparity appear so' simple. Works in The State of Black America 1999 challenge us to look at race as "endogenous," that is, something that is defined within a political-economic system and not at all natural or immutable. From that perspective, it understands the use of "race" as a marker to create, or deny, access to wealth. As Clarence Lusane helps to highlight in "The State of Black Europe," race means different things in different countries. Lusane's piece also challenges the notion of a cultural origin for racial disparity. Though the discrimination faced by Africans in Europe is different than that confronting African Americans in the United States, so are some of the historical and cultural aspects of African-European interactions different. And as suggested by 12 11 THE STATE OF BLACK AMERICA William Darity Jr. in "History, Discrimination and Racial Inequality," race has meant different things in the United States at different times. Rhonda Williams' essay, "Unfinished Business: African-American Political Economy During the Age of 'Color-Blind' Politics," gives us an understanding that race, as defined in the United States, was a vehicle for granting privilege. Whiteness and blackness determined who had rights and privileges that were protected and who did not. As we change our laws, and courts change their interpretation of laws, those privileges change. At first, the most obvious privilege was who was free and who was a slave; who had rights the Constitution must honor and who did not. That slowly shifted from an absolute lack of African-American rights and privileges, to recognizing that African Americans could make claims on public access ... but not private intercourse. African Americans could be segregated, but given public access separate but equal. The "strict scrutiny" doctrine that guides the Supreme Court today allows African Americans to make some claim for private intercoursebeing seated at lunch countersbut not against the effects of privilege. The result, Williams explains, is that "colorblind" does not mean the same thing as non-discriminatory. Racial privilege has real economic meaning. After all, economics is the study of who gets what and how much. Privilege is access to goods. William Darity's essay clearly demonstrates that the wealth effect of racial privilege is enduring. The definition of race, embodied in Plessy v. Ferguson, is an accurate predictor of racial income differences today. He shows that racial gaps in income at the time of Plessy are an accurate predictor of racial gaps in income today. Race is not something defined outside the economic system; it is defined by the economic system, to grant or deny access to wealth accumulation. Today, as a result of struggle, the rights and privileges of African Americans have changed. And as William Rodgers empha-12 13 FOREWORD sizes in "A Critical Assessment of Skills Explanations of Black-White Employment and Wage Gaps," the result has been a huge shrinking of the racial gap in education and skill attainment-7 African Americans...
Examining the Impact of Institutional Racism in Black Residentially Segregated Communities
2017
More than 50 years have passed since the enactment of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and a large number of Blacks in the U.S. remain marginalized and disenfranchised by public policies and public institutions (Blessett 2015). Blacks residing in residentially segregated communities across the U.S. are faced with a myriad of social, economic, environmental, and political factors that negatively affect their lives and communities alike. As a result, quality of life indicators reveal diminished educational attainment, disparaging health outcomes, limited employment opportunities, and stifled political participation for low-income Blacks. Furthermore, residentially segregated communities exemplify the ways in which institutional racism and structural inequality stifle community development. Alkadry and Blessett (2010) argued that during the time of urban development in the mid-twentieth century, millions of dollars flowed into and out of communities, however the stakeholders with the most political, social, and economic power received the vast majority of public policy benefits. The use of language (political and public discourse), public and private institutions (local development and housing authorities), and resources (tax abatements or incentives subsidized by federal and state governments) significantly aided in the perpetuation of inequality along the lines of race and class (Wilson 2007). Collectively, these strategies resulted in multiple burdens being placed on segregated communities. These communities often have the least resources at their disposal to alter their existing realities. Whereas inequalities represent differences in outcomes between groups, inequities are the results of inequalities. Inequity is saturated throughout many facets of life for Blacks isolated in racially segregated neighborhoods. Gooden argues Racial inequities in the United States are largely saturated because they are cumulative and reinforcing. Racial outcomes in health, education, employment, environmental risk, occupational status, and crime are not randomly assigned. They are embedded in a historical structure where racial minorities chronically experience pervasive negative differences. These differences compound exponentially to generate a cycle of racial saturation that continues generation after generation (2014, 39). The intergenerational effects of racial inequities are problematic for individuals, families, and communities. The inability (or unwillingness) of government officials to thoughtfully consider and implement new strategies to reverse a legacy of adverse policy outcomes legitimizes the long-standing and divergent realities for Blacks in comparison to their White counterparts. This article begins by highlighting institutional racism as a contributory factor in the social and economic disadvantage experienced by Blacks. A discussion is presented on the role of institutional racism in maintaining the status quo, by examining the criminal justice system, housing, and health outcomes as important examples of differential outcomes experienced by Blacks. Using the social determinants of health as a conceptual model, the authors highlight Ferguson, MO as an exemplar of racial residential segregation and examine the manifestation of institutional racism in existing public policies. In conclusion, using the social determinants of health model targeted recommendations are made for reducing institutional racism across the public sector. Understanding Saturated Disadvantage through the Lens of Critical Race Theory and Institutional Racism Urban communities have evolved over time. Once centers of manufacturing, commerce, and bustling commercial corridors, these spaces are now characterized by disinvestment, blight, and dysfunction. To understand the changing context and dynamics of urban life, critical race theory (CRT) provides an analytical examination of the relationship between history, race, and language (Zamudio et al. 2011). CRT ultimately acknowledges that race and racism is hardwired into the social and economic landscape in American life; that racial stereotypes are ubiquitous in society and limits the opportunities of people of color; and the concept of colorblindness ostensibly serves to undermine the interests of people of color (Carbado and Roithmayr 2014). Furthermore, critical race theorists recognize that traditional scholarship and public discourse about the plight of urban communities rests on arguments about individual merit, not on the institutional practices that created disadvantage in the first place (Crenshaw et al. 1995). As science often informs policy and public opinion, Zuberi suggests that The knowledge produced within the social sciences is implicated in the intersection of systems of oppression within matrices of domination. The social sciences produce knowledge about "others" as "deviants" from the "norm," which is defined as White, heterosexual, bourgeois, and male (2011, 1576). The result forces Blacks or "others" to constantly battle against the oppressive narratives that construct them and their communities in disparaging ways, ultimately justifying punitive policies outcomes. Collectively, these practices thrive in environments where institutional racism occurs unfettered. MacPherson