Introduction From ‘mass hysteria’ to ‘people power’ (original) (raw)

The Disappearance of the Masses: The Future of a True Illusion

Review of Christian Borch's The Politics of Crowds: an alternative history of sociology (2012) and Stefan Jonsson's A Brief History of the Masses: three revolutions (2008). In: Krisis 2014-II http://krisis.eu/content/2014-2/krisis-2014-2-07-deZeeuw.pdf

The Advent of the Masses and the Making of the Modern Theory of Democracy

There are in fact no masses; there are only ways of seeing people as masses.' (Williams 1971(Williams (1958 The gradual extension of the suffrage to all adult men and ultimately women too during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries transformed the politics of Western Europe and North America. Many contemporary theorists attributed these reforms not to any improvement in ordinary people's political judgement because of better education and higher living standards, nor to a progressive appreciation of the right of all adults to be considered full citizens, but to a new social and economic reality having made such measures unavoidable. Quite simply, within a mass society political power could only be exercised with mass support. In spite of the inevitability of a widened franchise, many theorists believed deep tensions existed between the concepts of the `mass' and `democracy', rendering a `mass democracy' almost a contradiction in terms. For the ideas of the `masses' and `mass society' were embedded within accounts of social organisation and behaviour that challenged the models of individual agency and rationality traditionally associated with democratic decision-making. Consequently, even democratically-minded thinkers found that a coherent conception of mass democracy required a radical rethinking of the norms and forms of the democratic process (Femia ). This chapter traces the development of the new sociological and psychological languages of mass politics and their deployment in the construction of a modern theory of democracy. As we shall see, though still widely accepted, this theory incorporates empirical and normative assumptions arising from contentious and anachronistic views of human nature and society few would wish to espouse today.

Introduction: Collective Behavior and Social Movements in the Postmodern Age: Looking Backward to Look Forward

Sociological Perspectives, 1998

This article specifies several ways in which the collective behavior portion of Collective Behavior/Social Movement (CBSM) studies may be revitalized in the near future. The revitalization will occur because repertoires of extra-institutional challenge emerging in the postmodern age seem to fall outside the way social movements have been theorized in the last twenty-five years. Today's postmodern trends—increasing consumerism and affluence, individualism, demographic complexity, ideological diversity, global migration, and constant innovation in communications technology—have proliferated new social identities and deconstructed social identities imposed by the Other. As a result, postmodernity's complexities are multiplying the number of small, diverse, and diffuse groupings defining themselves in challenging ways outside the corridors of politics. Indeed these groupings may in the years to come recast what some see as a social movement society into a CBSM Society of diverse...

Mobilizing the Masses

Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia, 2017

This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the prevailing cc-by-nc license at the time of publication.

Mass, publics and multitudes: digital activism an some of its paradoxes

From Multitude to Crods : Collectiuve action and the media,, 2015

(1)The presence of mass behavior and mass propaganda in digital media, frequently expressed in pre-modern forms of sociability (flaming, digital hooliganism and bullying); and, (2), simultaneously, the recent emergence of forms of sociability that act politically with internal discussion and critical intervention, exhibiting features of rational publics or new characteristics of fluidity and spontaneity proper of the so-called multitudes. Nowadays, the rebirth of political activism is evident. People seem to be awakening from political apathy, as the first years of the second decade appear to announce. In spite of that rebirth, the political dissent and the informal spaces of public dialog seem to be simultaneously less seduced by normative discourses. Fast social mutations, multicultural challenges, growing social inequality, and the different kinds of threat disseminated by the media for public imagery consumption, have given rise to mixed phenomena by combining anti-elite and anti-immigrant nationalism with nationally and locally bounded demands of social justice and alternative globalization, expressing manners of populism that seems to take by surprise traditional normative approaches. Suddenly, in Madrid, Barcelona, Lisbon, and Athens, activists began to occupy streets and squares, setting their agenda in a process that seems highly flexible, autonomous and susceptible of being understood by using the concept of multitudes. The concept embraces a fluid diversity of movements available to be connected and networked. According to some approaches, multitudes cannot be departed from the digital economy, emerging from computers and its social and cultural consequences. The concept of multitude embraces the power of educated individuals, which connected themselves in a world where the innovation increasingly accelerate itself, with technological costs increasingly shrinking. "This is the world in which people have a creative power, unprecedented communication and coordination forming a creative community connected and mobile, the multitude 1" (Colin et Verdier 2015: 33). Actions and protest are performed with ritualistic means of expression, detonating a new grammar and aesthetic of political identities. Simultaneously, behind many demonstrations from indignados, it seems difficult to find a program or a strong ideological commitment. In a certain way, digital movements seem to be prepared to resist to anti-austerity measures and to propose alternative solutions, more or less realistic. Simply, their agendas are much more focused on discussing the issues and its consequences, being not particularly attracted by ideological frameworks or by major utopian proposals to transform society in the sense given by the grand narratives from modernity. Heavy activism goes along with a kind of self-restrained utopia or even with a kind of pragmatic interventionism without promised Utopian paradises or trust in universal happiness. "No moralist condemnation of capitalism is necessary as facts and events speak for themselves. The few remaining leftists can no longer provide the movement with an ideology, as it works perfectly without one. We don't need your revolution.’ (Lowinsky and Schneider, s/d). Behind those movements, one finds certain contradictory novelties: the insistence on performative arts and ritualistic means of expression as being part of their public communication; the use of deliberative assemblies to communicate with several population strata. Sometimes ritualistic elements seem to confirm Pascal statement according to which “are often led to believe, not by evidence but by liking" (Pascal cit. by LeBon, s/d.). Alternatively, the use of public street forums and assemblies seems to put into practice, in an informal way, some discursive and argumentative rationality. Considering several ideal types of publicness, in the broader sense of acting in public, one finds it as a strong, complex and contradictory social variable present in many different ways in the construction of political identities in late modernity

Crowd, Power and Post-Democracy in the 21st Century: An Interview with Simon Choat

2013

Simon Choat: "Authoritarian and even fascism remain genuine threats across Europe. Increasingly there is also a threat from a kind of ‘fascism-lite’ or ‘fascism with a human face’: parties and movements which draw on populist, anti-big business or anti-banking rhetoric while proposing pro-capitalist, authoritarian, and (implicitly or explicitly) racist policies. In England this is arguably represented (albeit in the usual tepid English way) by UKIP (who despite their name are an English rather than a British phenomenon) – though there is also the old-fashioned street violence of the English Defence League." Simon Choat, English, is Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations at Kingston University, London (UK) and is the author of the book 'Marx Through Post-Structuralism: Lyotard, Derrida, Foucault, Deleuze' (Continuum, UK, 2010)'. His current research covers a range of areas, including: Marx’s 'Grundrisse'; philosophies of ‘new materialism’; surplus population and unemployment; and the Marxism of Alfred Sohn-Rethel. He is a member of the Marxism Specialist Group - Political Studies Association. His latest essay 'From Marxism to Poststructuralism' is included in the collection 'The Edinburgh Companion to Poststructuralism.' (Edinburgh University Press, UK, 2013) edited by Dillet, Mackenzie and Porter. He is currently writing a Reader's Guide to Marx's Grundrisse for Bloomsbury Publishing. Simon Choat's interview on digital populism and recent European political phenomena, held on 16th June 2013 with the author of the blog Obsolete Capitalism.

OBSOLETE CAPITALISM :: THE BIRTH OF DIGITAL POPULISM. CROWD, POWER AND POSTDEMOCRACY IN THE 21ST CENTURY

2015

The Five Star Movement led by Grillo & Casaleggio had an unexpected success in the Italian general elections of February 2013, deeply disrupting the panorama of Italian politics. This book seeks to explore some of the features characterising the emergence of a new political phenomenon: digital populism. We asked Italian and English thinkers from different political and disciplinary backgrounds to contribute to an analysis of some fundamental points behind the rise of populism and the digital relations between masses, power and democracy at the dawn of the twenty-first century. This is the result of nine interviews carried out between May 2013 and February 2014 with Luciana Parisi, Tiziana Terranova, Lapo Berti, Simon Choat, Godani Paul, Saul Newman, Jussi Parikka, Tony D. Sampson and Alberto Toscano.

The People: Between Populism and the Masses

The Routledge Handbook of Social Change, edited by Richard Ballard and Clive Barnett , 2022

The point of departure for this chapter is a juxtaposition of two different invocations of ‘the people’ as political agents: those featured in the discourse on populism and in mass popular movements. At the heart of the discussion is the ambiguity of the name of the people that enables the co-existence of these distinct invocations. Based on the consideration that ‘the people’ does not have a stable referent, the chapter's core aim is to examine the political work of this instability and thereby give insight into how limits and possibilities of social change are constructed in contemporary political orders. Starting with an elaboration of the inherent ambiguity of ‘the people’, the first section centres on a core question of liberal democracies that this ambiguity exposes, and draws from the political discourse in post-apartheid South Africa to show how anti-populism features in defining the relationship between the people and the state. Moving on to transformative moments of politics that take shape in the performance of ‘the people’, the second section examines the political role of two defining characteristics of the people: their ‘poverty’ and their numerical majority in any society. Together, these two threads unravel the initial paradox of the construction of this collective subject as both a threat and the key to democratic rule and present an invitation to keep questioning the myriad ways in which the name of the people is deployed, claimed, and reclaimed.

Radical democracy and collective movements today: The biopolitics of the multitude versus the hegemony of the people

Contemporary Political Theory, 2015

Imprint: Ashgate Published: June 2014 Format: 234 x 156 mm Extent: 258 pages Binding: Hardback Other editions: ebook PDF, ebook ePUB ISBN: 978-1-4094-7052-6 Short ISBN: 9781409470526 BL Reference: 303.48'4 LoC Number: 2013043985 Print friendly information sheet Send to a friend Edited by Alexandros Kioupkiolis and Giorgos Katsambekis, both at Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece The 'Arab spring', the Spanish indignados, the Greek aganaktismenoi and the Occupy Wall Street movement all share a number of distinctive traits; they made extensive use of social networking and were committed to the direct democratic participation of all as they co-ordinated and conducted their actions. Leaderless and self-organized, they were socially and ideologically heterogeneous, dismissing fixed agendas or ideologies. Still, the assembled multitudes that animated these mobilizations often claimed to speak in the name of ‘the people’, and they aspired to empowered forms of egalitarian self-government in common. Similar features have marked collective resistances from the Zapatistas and the Seattle protests onwards, giving rise to theoretical and practical debates over the importance of these ideological and political forms. By engaging with the controversy between the autonomous, biopolitical ‘multitude’ of Hardt and Negri and the arguments in favour of the hegemony of ‘the people’ advanced by J. Rancière, E. Laclau, C. Mouffe and S. Žižek the central aim of this book is to discuss these instances of collective mobilization, to probe the innovative practices and ideas they have developed and to debate their potential to reinvigorate democracy whilst seeking something better than ‘disaster capitalism’. Contents: Introduction: radical democracy and collective movements today: responding to the challenges of kairos, Alexandros Kioupkiolis and Giorgos Katsambekis; Post-hegemony: politics outside the usual post-Marxist paradigm, Benjamin Arditi; Letter to a Greek anarchist: on multitudes, peoples, and new empires, Richard J.F. Day and Nick Montgomery; Sovereignty of the people, Jodi Dean; Occupy and autonomous political life, Saul Newman; Hegemony or post-hegemony? Discourse, representation and the revenge(s) of the real, Yannis Stavrakakis; Generalized antagonism and political ontology in the debate between Laclau and Negri, Paul Rekret; A hegemony of the multitude: muddling the lines, Alexandros Kioupkiolis; The multitudinous moment(s) of the people: democratic agency disrupting established binarisms, Giorgos Katsambekis; Representation and political space in Laclau and Hardt and Negri, Andy Knott; Autonomy and hegemony in the squares: the 2011 protests in Greece and Spain, Marina Prentoulis and Lasse Thomassen; Index. About the Editor: Dr Alexandros Kioupkiolis is a lecturer in contemporary political theory at the Faculty of Law, Economics & Political Sciences of Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece. Previously, he has also taught political philosophy at the University of Cyprus. He has studied Political Theory at the Universities of Essex (MA) and Oxford (DPhil). Giorgios Katsambekis studied Political Science at the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, where he also received his MA degree in Political Analysis in autumn 2009. He is a PhD candidate at the School of Political Sciences of the same university. Reviews: ‘People or Multitude, Hegemony or Autonomy, Laclau or Negri? This is the crucial dilemma the “age of resistance” we have entered poses to theory and politics. This sophisticated volume brings together some of the most interesting younger scholars to examine the many aspects of the dilemma. The alternatives are mapped in their full complexity and are backed with detailed empirical evidence from the movements in Spain, Greece and Occupy. This collection will become a classic in radical political philosophy.’ Costas Douzinas, Birkbeck, University of London, UK ‘At a time when we have to make sense of the worldwide protests unfolding since 2011 this book comes at exactly the right moment. Intervening into the heated debates around the question of political representation and the necessity of constructing a new left wing hegemony, this book is a must-read for everyone interested in the topic of collective protest.’ Oliver Marchart, Düsseldorf Art Academy, Germany