Eliding the noun in close apposition, or Greek polydefinites revisited (original) (raw)
Related papers
Journal of Greek Linguistics
This article focuses on the interpretation of the adjectives that appear in Greek polydefinite DP s. It provides empirical support to the established position that restrictive modifiers are preferred in polydefinite environments (Kolliakou 1995). At the same time, it shows that non-restrictively modified polydefinites are not excluded by grammar (Manolessou 2000). To reconcile the facts, a novel syntactic analysis of polydefiniteness as involving modification by either restrictive or non-restrictive reduced relative clauses is formulated. We extend Alexopoulou’s (2006) analysis of resumption in full relatives to polydefinites and defend that what looks like a preadjectival definite article is a resumptive clitic pronoun that values the unvalued definiteness feature of a null relative complementizer. We further defend that, while the prenominal definite article is interpreted as d-linked, the resumptive clitic is a dependent expression that is interpreted as a referentially bound ana...
An Analysis of the Function of Greek Anarthrous Participles in Oblique Cases, SBL 2015
Paper delivered to Biblical Greek Language and Linguistics Section of Society of Biblical Literature in Atlanta, November 2015. This paper investigates the issue of how to determine whether anarthrous Greek participles in an oblique case (excepting Genitive Absolute constructions) are adverbial or adjectival in function. Many Greek grammarians, when explaining participial usage, identify an adverbial function for anarthrous participles in oblique cases. In 2003, Martin Culy published a thought-provoking article in which he argued that syntactically, adverbial participles are distributed in only one of two situations: (1) when the participle agrees with the case of the subject noun and the participial action is performed by that subject (usually, the participle is in the nominative case--when the main verb is finite--but sometimes in the accusative case--when the the main verb/action is the infinitive and the agent is required to be in the accusative case), and (2) when the subject of the main verb is not identical to the “subject” of the adverbial participle (in such cases, the Genitive Absolute construction--which has an adverbial function--is used). Culy reanalyzed anarthrous participles in oblique cases as instances, not of adverbial function, but adjectival function, since such morpho-syntactic situations fall outside of these two proposed constraints on the normal distribution of adverbial participles. This paper will analyze the weaknesses (and strength) of Culy’s claims, attempt to shed some light on how to determine whether such participles in oblique cases are adverbial or adjectival, and finally discuss the discourse-pragmatic function of these sorts of participles.
On the interpretation of null indefinite objects in Greek
1997
In this paper, we examine the properties of a novel kind of nominal ellipsis in Greek, which we call indefinite argument drop (IAD), concentrating on its manifestation in object positions. We argue that syntactically these null objects are present as pro, and we show that semantically they are licensed only by weak DP antecedents (in the sense of Milsark 1974). We compare IAD with NPinternal ellipsis, as attested also in English among many other languages, and show that IAD has distinct syntactic and semantic properties. Finally, we compare our account with a number of proposals regarding null objects in the literature, and show that IAD cannot be reduced to any of these.
Acme, 2024
Questo contributo tratta della perifrasi 'εἶναι + participio' in greco omerico all'interfaccia fra morfosintassi e semantica. I dati sono analizzati con riferimento al quadro teorico elaborato da Nardi e Romagno (cfr. NARDI-ROMAGNO 2022), che considerano la perifrasi con εἶναι in greco antico come una categoria prototipica: secondo questa prospettiva, la categoria sovraordinata 'εἶναι + participio' include due manifestazioni formalmente diverse ma funzionalmente equivalenti, un costrutto con una copula espressa, cioè una perifrasi vera e propria, e un costrutto senza copula espressa, cioè un participio predicativo (fondamentalmente, un participio che funziona come una forma finita). Questa indagine mira a valutare se si possano individuare fattori che determinano o soggiacciono all'uso di queste costruzioni participiali in greco omerico. L'analisi dei dati raccolti nei poemi omerici mostra che le costruzioni participiali codificano la funzione specifica di significare lo stato, inerente o acquisito, del soggetto del predicato, costituendo pertanto un'alternativa (più o meno libera) al perfetto originario (cfr. ROMAGNO 2005). PAROLE CHIAVE Greco omerico, perifrasi, participio predicativo, teoria dei prototipi, interfaccia morfosintassi-semantica This contribution addresses the periphrasis 'εἶναι + participle' in Homeric Greek at the interface between morphosyntax and semantics. The data are examined with reference to the theoretical framework elaborated by Nardi and Romagno (2022), who regard the Ancient Greek εἶναι-periphrasis as a prototype category: according to this view, the superordinate category 'εἶναι + participle' includes two formally different, but functionally equivalent manifestations, a pattern with an expressed copula, i.e. a periphrasis tout-court, and a pattern with no overt copula, i.e. a predicative participle (basically, a participle functioning as a finite form). This investigation aims to assess if factors underlying or determining the usage of these participial constructions in Homeric Greek can be singled out. The analysis of the data individuated in the Homeric poems shows that the participial constructions encode the specific function of signifying the state, either inherent or attained, of the subject of the predicate, thus constituting a (more or less free) alternative to the original perfect (cfr. ROMAGNO 2005).
The pragmatics and semantics of the bare partitive genitive in Ancient Greek
The present paper aims to investigate the main semantic-functional and discursive properties of parti-tives on the bases of the bare (independent) partitive genitive in Ancient Greek. Contrary to previous views that the bare partitive genitive (b-PG) primarily encodes the part-of-relation I claim that this meaning of the b-PG has been lost in Ancient Greek. Instead, I claim that the b-PG encodes undeter-mined instantiations of a set descriptive and restrictive in nature and compatible with kind-or subkind-referring NPs/DPs. It allows the speaker to make no commitment as to the quantity, referentiality and semantic role of these instantiation(s); this/these instantiation(s) have inherently narrow scope (e.g. with negation). These semantic properties determine the discursive function of the b-PG. I claim that the b-PG detracts the focus of attention from the actual participant and links it to the descriptive set or kind/subkind this participant belongs to; the actual participant is extremely backgrounded and its reference is never stored in the discourse model. The b-PG allows the speaker to zoom out from the actual participant and view it schematically in terms of one of its hypercategories (subkind, kind, characterizing/descriptive set). This function of the b-PG explains its frequent occurrence with the verbs of consumption or desire. It explains, furthermore, its use in the predicative position and in headings. As to the diachronic perspective, it is claimed that the foregroundedness of the respective hypercategory and extreme backgroundedness of the subset indicate that the b-PG develops semantically towards pseudo-partitivity.
Definites and possessives in modern Greek: an HPSG syntax for noun phrases
1995
This work discusses topics in noun phrase syntax, in particular, definite and posses¬ sive constructions. A syntax of nominal categories is provided that complements descrip¬ tions of English-style, determiner-centric nominal systems, by accommodating definite concord phenomena, "determinerless" NPs, and elliptical phrases that lack a noun head. In addition, the syntactic properties and interpretation of possessives are discussed and an account is presented that enables a wide range of interconnected phenomena to be explained in terms of a simple hypothesis, the possessive / pseudo-possessive partition. The data considered herein for the most part come from Modern Greek, nonetheless, the phenomena described are also characteristic of a wide range of languages, including Romance, Scandinavian and Semitic. The noun phrase theory provided is formulated in Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG). Much research on the syntax of noun phrases assumes that quantifier determine...
Journal of Greek Linguistics, 2013
This paper examines the position of preverbal subject in Greek SV(O) orders. Using interpretational and configurational evidence we confirm the conclusion of much of the standard literature that preverbal subjects in Greek do not occupy the [Spec, TP] position, but are left dislocated elements. In particular, we discuss the proposals of Roussou & Tsimpli (2006) and Spyropoulos & Revithiadou (2007, 2009), who argue for the existence of an A-subject in the Greek T-domain, and we point out a number of counterarguments to their suggestions. Finally, we tentatively suggest that the EPP T-requirement might be suspended in Greek.