Strategic narratives and public diplomacy in the Russian news media portrayal of Sweden: case of Russia Today (original) (raw)
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Russia re-envisions the world: strategic narratives in Russian broadcast and news media during 2015
This study examines the strategic narratives embedded in Russia broadcast and news media to determine how the country advances a narrative framework portraying the Kremlin's world view as propagated through Russian media. We argue these narratives help construct Russian identity in building domestic cohesion while fending off criticisms by Western nations. The study furthers our theoretical understanding of public diplomacy and global narratives by drawing from the work of rhetoricians and IR scholars in addressing how domestic and international narratives become tied together for strategic purposes and their reception by local actors. We analyzed 1016 broadcast and online news segments from 17 different sources representing governmental and official news sites, oppositional sites, and independent news sources. Two studies were conducted focusing on one particular 'contour' of the Russian worldview: Russian multilateral engagement through BRICS, SCO, and Iranian nuclear negotiations as well as media portrayals of NATO. The study concludes by discussing strategies for effective messaging. ARTICLE HISTORY Russia is in the midst of an identity crisis (Lukyanov, 2016). As Mankoff (2012) explains, since the collapse of Communism, Russia has 'endured a confusing, often tortuous process of self-definition' battling over whether it is a European, Eurasian, or a Slavic nation (11). This search for identity is felt in foreign affairs with the resurgence of aggressive actions by the Russian Federation causing concern globally, from its conflict in Georgia, to the takeover of the Crimea, and recent meddling in U.S. elections. While political leaders and policy-makers might vary in their interpretation of this newly aggressive posture, these actions appear to be an attempt to reinvigorate Russian national strength and reestablish the nation as a 'global player,' with the military, economic, and political clout to matter on the world stage. But just as concerning are the emerging geopolitical narratives that seem to be guiding Russian policy, and the accompanying rhetoric toward, and about, the West. As Tsygankov (2016) argues, Russian foreign policy and national interest can best be understood within the context of the country's relations with the West; especially, how domestic identity
The rapid evolution of communications paradigms as well as vulnerabilities created by unlimited and unfiltered access to information challenge a state’s ability to craft a credible narrative about its interests and aspirations in the service of its strategic goals. First, difficulty in discerning objective fact from subjective belief in a “post truth” information environment degrades narrative authenticity. Moreover, the erosion of public trust in state institutions and traditional media sources further damages a state’s capacity to make its case in the public sphere. Russia has taken advantage of this overloaded and compromised information space to launch punitive disinformation campaigns against former satellite states seeking lasting relationships with Euro-Atlantic institutions. Russian information attacks force these vulnerable emerging democracies to confront existential questions about national identity, values and models of governance. To neutralize the toxic and often destructive effects of Russian propaganda, targeted countries must project a coherent, consistent account of their unique political, economic and security assets. This counter narrative must also establish the state as a resilient security and economic power in the region.
Javnost-The Public, 2011
Mediated public diplomacy plays an important role in achieving foreign policy objectives by trying to influence public opinion in other countries. The Russia-based global TV channel RT serves as a central tool of Russian mediated public diplomacy. Its objective is not only to present the Russian perspective on different issues but also to propagate it. However, there is not much research on RT in general and none on the strategies RT employs to persuade its viewers of the rightness of the Russian stance. This article explores the use of persuasive strategies in the RT interview show Spotlight. A qualitative content analysis of 15 episodes, which discuss Russian relations to its Baltic neighbours Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, revealed that Spotlight constructed a one-sided pro-Russian reality. Various strategies are employed to hedge this reality against doubts about its trueness as well as to support Russia’s position in conflicts with the Baltic States. By this, RT aims to isolate the Baltic States internationally in order to help Russia in achieving its foreign policy objectives.
Russian public diplomacy in the 21st century: Structure, means and message
Public Relations Review, 2014
Many studies have focussed upon Western countries, such as the United States and members of the European Union, and how they engage with foreign publics. There is also an increasing amount of attention being paid to non-Western countries. The debate on softpower, for instance, shows that the concept is perceived and applied in a manner that differs from Nye’s vision. This present article seeks to examine and analyse how and why the Russian state engages foreign publics with different communicational means and methods. Relations and approaches are much more pragmatic in the current situation, ideology seems to have been discarded. The current foreign policy concept gives context to positioning Russia, which not only gives Russia a certain role, but one that is set in relation to other international actors. Although, not all countries are treated the same, a different approach based upon a different set of assumptions produces a different understanding as to what programmes and means are needed. This produces a difference in approach between Western countries and those countries on the territory of the Former Soviet Union.
2007
This study focuses on the competition over international agenda building and frame building as one central strategic activity of public diplomacy processes. It is the first analysis of a multi-actor contest over agenda and frame building in foreign media focusing on two strategic acts with evident mediated public diplomacy objectives and implications: Israel’s disengagement from Gaza and the general elections in the Palestinian Authority. The success of the actors in promoting their agenda and frames in the U.S. and British news media is analyzed, revealing a complex media arena that includes the antagonists, foreign governments, and the media themselves as actors, each trying to promote its own agenda and frames. Cultural and political congruence between a foreign country and an adversary gives that antagonist an advantage over its rival actor. However, the antagonist actor still has to compete with the agenda and frames of foreign governments and media organizations.
SPECIFICITIES OF MEDIA-DISCOURSE AND POLITICAL PR PATTERNS RECENTLY CONSTRUCTED IN MODERN RUSSIA
The author goes to the origins of adoption of current PR patterns and the model of media-discourse that are functioning in (New) Russia. He traces the history of Russian politicalregimès program installation, describes core mental attitudes of its unchangeable bosses. In particular he highlights the figure of present Russian President Vladimir Putin, analyses his tactics and long-term strategic desires. The overall goal of this article is to clarify the reason of why has Russia chosen exactly the contemporary practiced method of political self-presentation. Автор відстежує витоки усталення чинних PR практик і моделі медіа-дискурсу, які функціонують у (Новій) Росії. Прослідковано історію програмного налаштування російського політичного режиму, описано світоглядний гарт його незмінних очільників. Зокрема увагу зосереджено на постаті нинішнього російського президента Володимира Путіна, проаналізовано його тактичні заходи і довгострокові стратегічні прагнення. Загальний поклик цієї статті – прояснити, чому Росія обирає саме такий постійно практикований метод політичного само-представлення. Contributing to the collective monograph " Memory, Conflict and New Media " , Ellen Rutten, professor of Slavonic literatures at the University of Amsterdam, discusses constructing of national identities in a number of post-Soviet countries. She chooses several topics, focusing mainly upon semantic content of key-research categories (creative worker`s blog, foregrounding authenticity, language culture), examining axiological and psychological dualism between pro-and contra-representatives of Soviet legacy, scrutinizing online-debates as the pivot of media-discursive domain. This permits her to form the concept of 'imperfection' and work out well-designed, thought-through in the details analytical project. We ought to agree completely with the approach she has applied while substantiating the mentioned concept. Indeed the result of memory wars (relation to the past), occurring, in particular, in a digital space, is much responsible for decisive sample of nation-building strategy and adopting of the guideline of (both national and foreign) state policy. Longing for imperfection may come out as its basic attribute, when populistic rhetoric gets mixed with decently elevated ambitions. It can be, actually, the matter of manipulation – a way in which the memory is revered and, correspondingly, the history is treated. The famous Ukrainian historian Yaroslav Grytsak said right the following: " everything we do bears a sign of our feeling not as the pure scientists but as the public figures, those who belong to the realm of politics; in fact it is producing of certain senses (meanings) " [1]. He added that the most important sense gets the manner of interpreting history, when facts are embedded in a specified transcription. Another thesis (usually cited as the full expression) stands that we do not develop as personalities until make the conclusions on the lessons of past. From the Latin proverb " Historia magistra vitae est " we receive exactly the same message:
JANUS.NET ejournal of International Relations, 2019
This article seeks to explore the role Russian and Ukrainian conventional media played as agenda-setters and producers of subjective framings within the context of the Crimean crisis, exploring at the same time the relationship between state and media and the impact of media representations on national public opinions. The analysis shows that agenda-setting and framing at the level of states’ policies have a fundamental role in decision-shaping and perception-building, highlighting that the manipulation of information through narrativeconstruction is a powerful tool at the service of politics. This study contributes to validate the idea that media can be perceived as key influencers of the public agenda as they emerge as the most relevant agents in mediatising politics, becoming hence a functional gatekeeper that might either facilitate the official discourse or instead obstruct it.
Strategic narratives as public diplomacy: the case of Armenia
EEAS ocials agree in saying that the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries should be dealt with on the basis of a tailor-made approach. To this end, in addition to looking at the peculiarities of these countries, attention should be paid to the way they project themselves visa -vis an external audience. Providing some conceptual framework to that, this paper argues that the conscious attempt to seducing an external public should be considered a form of public diplomacy, possible also for those states which cannot aord the hosting of grand events. The case of Armenia oers a remarkable example of that. The country, in spite of its partnership with Russia and the precarious security situation, has consistently displayed its interest in being a " good citizen of the international community ". Examples of that are the invitation of international observers, in occasion of the the parliamentary elections, and the request of Venice commission's advice on the constitutional reform. Without postulating direct causality, yet this policy paper argues that the Armenian consistent self-projection as a " willing child " has brought some results in term of engagement with the EU. Beyond the case studies, it seems emerging the need for a broader denition of public diplomacy, including acts of self-promotion such as public declarations and a conciliatory attitude. In terms of policy recommendation, policy-makers are suggested to treat this kind of initiatives as a proxy for the dierent level of understanding that these countries have of the EU.