A Political History of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (1975-1991): Revolt, Ideology, and Mobilisation in Ethiopia (original) (raw)
Related papers
‘Game over’? Abiy Ahmed, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front and Ethiopia’s political crisis
African Affairs, 2018
Where a licence is displayed above, please note the terms and conditions of the licence govern your use of this document. When citing, please reference the published version. Take down policy While the University of Birmingham exercises care and attention in making items available there are rare occasions when an item has been uploaded in error or has been deemed to be commercially or otherwise sensitive.
Ideology and power in TPLF’s Ethiopia: A historic reversal in the making?
African Affairs, 2019
The Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) has led Ethiopia for close to three decades as a core party within the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition. Various ideological claims permeated the consolidation of power by the TPLF, which now seems to be questioned by the new leadership in the EPRDF. This article locates the critical junctures in the history of the party and analyses how those junctures relate to power concentration rather than to ideological shifts as purported by the party. It argues that the circumstances surrounding the 'shifts' in ideologies by the TPLF show that ideologies were used to consolidate power within the party and later impose domination at the state level. A thorough investigation of the ideological history of the TPLF is crucial as Ethiopia seems to be standing at a critical ideological crossroad. Through a deep hermeneutic interpretation, the article concludes that leftist ideological threads such as a focus on vanguard rule, party-directed economy, and Stalinist understandings of ethnicity run throughout the ideological shifts of the TPLF. The article synthesizes the cosmetic ideological shifts in the context of a pragmatic party that has been applying market socialism.
The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) and the Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF). The war broke out in Ethiopia's Tigray National Regional State in November 2020. This war was concluded by Pretoria's cessation of hostility agreement. However, this agreement has been facing problems. Accordingly, this study examines this Conflict by placing special emphasis on the Pre-Pretoria Agreement and the challenges of the Post-Pretoria Agreement. Besides, a qualitative research approach with primary and secondary data sources was used. In view of that, the post-Pretoria peace deal has faced various problems due to the presence of contested areas such as Wolkite and Raya between the Amhara and Tigray Region; the failure of demobilization of former young fighters of the Tigray region; and the discriminatory process of the Pretoria agreement, which in turn led to the escalation of a fresh Conflict in the Amhara National Regional State. Hence, appropriate political decision based on historical evidence could answer the questions of the people, proper inclusion of all parties of the conflict in the peace process and all inclusive political negotiations could assure sustainable peace and security.
Ethiopia, the TPLF, and the Roots of the 2001 Political Tremor
Northeast African Studies, 2008
in 1974 under the name "Mahber Gesgesti Behere Tigray," [generally known by its acronym-MAGEBT, which stands for 'Progressive Tigray Peoples' Movement'.] 1 The founders claim that even though the movement was tactically designed to be nationalistic it was, strategically, pan-Ethiopian. 2 The primary structural document the movement produced in the late 70's, however, shows it to be Tigrayan nationalist and not Ethiopian oriented in its content. It was also pro-Eritrean independence. 3 The original manifesto was drafted clearly as Tigrayan Ethnic struggle for independence not as one seeking the political liberation of Ethiopia from the dictatorship of the Derg. 4 In fact, this stand did not change until 1984. MAGEBT, as a movement was based on the Leninist principle of Democratic Centralism. Politburo and Central Committee members were elected by majority of the leadership whose legality was watched by an auditing commission. As Lenin dictated in "What is to be Done," factionalism was strictly prohibited. 5 Ideas would filter upwards but once policies were adopted, power was intended to flow only downwards. Breaking this rule was punishable by severe penalties including death. As the struggle progressed in the countryside, the name of the movement was changed to "Tegadlo Harnet Hizbi Tigray" [Tigray People's Revolutionary Movement. 6 ] Later, it was renamed "Tigray People's Liberation Front" [TPLF.] In the 1980s, the TPLF received backing almost exclusively from among the Tigrayan population of northern Ethiopia. Nevertheless, it alleged to be devoted to the structuring of one united national front standing for all classes and ethnic groups struggling against the Mengistu dictatorship. A proposal suggesting the formation of a united front grounded on a "minimum program," with the single purpose of smashing Mengistu's dictatorship was released on May 8, 1984. By this time, the TPLF had extended its reach into most of Tigray and adjacent parts of Wallo and Gojam. The guerrilla movement was very clear about the ideology it intended to implement in Tigray and Ethiopia: it was none other than the tenets of the Marxist-Leninist League of Tigray bases on the Albanian model. During the two months following the 1988 New Year, the TPLF was engaged in life and death struggle against the central government army. By 1989, the Ethiopian army had withdrawn completely from the province and the TPLF had seized the entire territory of Tigray, including major towns such as Makale, Aksum and Endaselassie. When in 1989, Mengistu Haile Mariam slaughtered more than 200 officers including the well trained and most experienced generals that Emperor Haile Selassie government carefully trained in military academies, the TPLF's moved quickly to develop a united front. In January 1989, it entered into an alliance with the Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement (EPDM), a breakaway organization of the EPRP constituted mainly * A paper presented to" the
The 1976 TPLF Manifesto and Political instability in Amhara Region, Ethiopia
2019
Political instability is a common phenomenon in developing countries. In countries like Ethiopia where democracy is infant and the ruling government dominates the people by all means; strike, mass protest, demonstration and conflict are common features of the country. The oppressed Amhara people infuriate and revolt against TPLF dominated Ethiopian government. This article tries to investigate the causes of political instability in Amhara region, Ethiopia. The paper is qualitative type and data collected through interview and literature review. The study revealed that, the 1976 manifesto prepared by Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF) labeled as the Amhara people number one enemy for the people of Tigray and decided that the Amhara must be controlled and eliminated. Thus, after taking power in 1991, TPLF have been doing all evil things against the Amhara people by using several techniques. This situation angered the Amhara people and political instability erupted across the region...
Respublica Litereria, 2005
My purpose of this writing this think piece is to unleash an enquiry into the empowerment of nations and nationalities on the one hand and the accompanying ethnic stain, trepidation, and fear that have dominated political dialogue on the Ethiopian élite and the Ethiopian Diaspora for some time now, on the other. Ethnicity. Indubitably, the single most important influence over how political liberalisation in Ethiopia has been conceived, initiated and is being formalised is the politics of ethnicity. The urban and rural liberation war waged by the people of Ethiopia and the particular form of political consciousness acquired at the inception and in the course of that struggle has made ethnic-based self-determination the linchpin of the democratisation strategy. Consistent with this strategy, a major restructuring of the Ethiopian polity has been undertaken, setting the foundation for and cutting it up into a score of regional governments based on linguistic, ethnic, and cultural identity. Although swiftly executed, the strategy appears to have been effective not only in allowing to carry out a specific political agenda and ideological goal; but also in setting the tone for institutionalising political agency and activities of alternative and opposition groups, i.e., in channelling their activities along with specific social-anthropological formations and generally ethnic lines. Whilst, in this sense, the political leadership can be said to have instituted a new paradigm of political discourse, agency and ideology, this is not to suggest that the strategy is uncontroversial or uncontested,,,