Threats to Academic Freedom in Venezuela: Legislative Im-positions and Patterns of Discrimination Towards University Teachers and Students (original) (raw)
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The decision of Venezuela's President Hugo Chávez not to renew the private TV channel RCTV's (Radio Caracas Televisión) broadcasting licence in May 2007 became the focal point for students from different universities of Caracas to unite (with no political affiliation with opposition parties) and construct a movement that used youth, freedom of speech, nonviolence and reconciliation as the discourse to challenge Chávez's regime. This apparent apolitical movement took Chavistas and opposition supporters by surprise. This paper examines the emergence, formation, and success of this movement and why it failed to convert and evolve itself as an influential opposition political force after 2007.
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This paper shows the results of empirical research trying to measure academic performance in a society undergoing changes under a radical political view of the university. The strategy has been to measure the size and impact of the academic community: in this case collecting empirical data on what type of community do the different types of universities serve. The research was conducted in Venezuelan universities. We analyze the higher education system in this society and then the political environment were a radical government is taking steps to have the whole higher educational system as well as the universities under the direct political and ideological control of the government, trying to change from capitalism to a socialist society. Our conclusion analyses the effects felt by universities in Venezuela in the transition from capitalism to socialism, including the student’s rebellion that took place in Venezuela in May 2007. Orlando Albornoz y Elsi Jiménez
University Autonomy and Academic Freedom in Latin America
Law and Contemporary Problems, 1963
The author wishes to express his indebtedness to the U.S. National Student Association, which introduced him to the problems discussed here by sending him to Latin America as its representative in 1955 and 1956. The views expressed in this paper are, however, entirely those of the author. They should also not be interpreted as reflecting the views of The RAND Corporation or the official opinion or policy of any of its governmental or private research sponsors. Unless otherwise indicated, all translations are the author's. 'The impact of the reform movement had been felt throughout Latin America by 1930. See del Mazo, Lo que significa la Rejorma, in COSEC, IA REFoRmA UNIvESITARIA EN AmcRIcANA LATINA, op. cit. supra note 2, at 17-44. 'ALFRao L. PA.Acios, MENsAYE A LA JUVENTUD IBEROAMERICANA (i9i8). Palacios, unlike some of his followers, was also a respecter of intellectual freedom. Cf. his World War I support of Bertrand Russell and praise for H. G. Wells' defense of the right of Eugene Debs to appear at Harvard under the auspices of the student council. LA UNVEEmSiDAD NUEVA 66-67 (1925). In March x962, at the age of 8a, Palacios was still sticking to his principles, and resigned as Senator from Buenos Aires to protest the military coup against Frondizi.
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Since the university reform that took place in Latin America in early XX Century (Cordoba, Argentina, 1918) the expectations have been markedly oriented to the dream of access for all. This has never been possible, with the exception of Cuba, a society were schooling has been compulsory and a close ingredient of the political revolutionary project that has ruled this country since 1959. This paper deals with another country were access for all is the educational policy in higher education, Venezuela. We analyse here the alternatives policies taken by the Venezuelan Bolivarian revolution in order to achieve this goal.