New Horizons of Political Possibility: Greek Political Imagination after the Russo-Ottoman War of 1768–1774 (original) (raw)

Abstract

I tell you, dear heart! it will be quite a fi re. Ha! may it reach to the tower's top and melt its vane and rage and swirl about it until it bursts and falls!-and you must not take off ense at our allies. I know that the good Russians would like to use us as fi rearms. But let that pass! when our strong Spartans have once learned in the fi eld who they are and of what they are capable, when once we have conquered the Peloponnesus with them, then we will laugh in the North Pole's face and make a life of our own. Alabanda to Hyperion 2

Key takeaways

sparkles

AI

  1. The Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca (1774) failed to improve Greek political status, sparking critical reflection.
  2. Moisiodax and Katartzis represented different responses to Greek political identity post-1774, one liberal and one communitarian.
  3. The text aims to explore Greek political imagination after the Russo-Ottoman War and the Orlov Revolt.
  4. Greek intellectuals began reimagining sovereignty, moving beyond narratives of statelessness toward cultural renewal.
  5. The Orlov moment (1762-1774) shaped diverse political visions within Greek intellectual circles, influencing future revolutionary thought.

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References (134)

  1. Η Πελοπόννησος κατά την Δευτέραν Τουρκοκρατίαν [Peloponnese during the Second Turkish Domination]. Athens: Verlag der 'Byzantinisch-Neugriechischen Jahrb ü cher' , 1939. Apostolos E. Vacalopoulos, Ιστορία του Νέου Ελληνισμού , vol. 4. Th essalonika, 1961. Tasos Gritsopoulos, ' Τα Ορλωφικά. Η εν Πελοποννήσω Επανάστασις του 1770 και τα Επακόλουθα Αυτής ' [Th e Orlov Events: Th e Revolution of 1770 in the Peloponnese and its Consequences], PhD dissertation, University of Athens, 1967.
  2. Antonis Liakos ' Hellenism and the Making of Modern Greece: Time, Language, Space ' , in Hellenisms: Culture, Identity, and Ethnicity from Antiquity to Modernity , ed. Katerina Zacharia. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008, pp. 201-236.
  3. 9 Rotzokos, pp. 30, 220-222.
  4. Paschalis Kitromilides, Enlightenment as Revolution . Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013, p. 57.
  5. For more detailed discussions of the model of 'world crisis' , consult David Armitage and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, eds., Th e Age of Revolutions in Global Context, c. 1760- 1840. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
  6. J.C. Hurewitz, ed., Th e Middle East and North Africa in World Politics: A Documentary Record , vol. 1. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1975, pp. 94, 97-98.
  7. Edmund Burke, ' Th e History of Europe ' , Th e Annual Register , 12 (1769), pp. 4-5.
  8. É mile Legrand, ed., Bibliographie Hell é nique du Dix-Huiti è me Si è cle , vol. 2. Paris: Soci é t é d' é dition Les Belles Lettres, 1928, pp. 204-205.
  9. Vasilis Molos, ' Nationness in the Absence of a Nation: Narrating the Prehistory of the Greek National Movement ' , PhD dissertation, New York University, 2014 , pp. 114-121.
  10. Konstantinos Sathas, ed., Μεσαιωνική Βιβλιοθήκη [Medieval Library], vol. 3. Venice: Typois tou Chronou, 1872, p. 119.
  11. As part of this literary tradition proclaiming the 'resurrection of the race' , consider: Gemistos Plethon, ' Address to the Emperor Manuel' (1416) and Th eoklytos Polyeidis, Προφητεία του μακαρίου Ίερομονάχου Αγαθάγγελου [Prophesy of the blessed Μ onk Agathaggelos] (1751). For more information about the resurrection theme, consult: Molos, pp. 98-110; Marios Hatzopoulos, ' Oracular Prophecy and the Politics of Toppling Ottoman Rule in South-East Europe ' , Th e Historical Review , 8 (2011), pp. 95-116;
  12. Asterios Argyriou, Les Ex é g è ses Grecques de l'apocalypse à l' é poque Turque, 1453-1821 . Th essalonika: Etairia Makedonikon Spoudon, 1982; Rotzokos, pp. 252- 253;
  13. D. Kostantaras, Infamy and Revolt: the Rise of the National Problem in Early Modern Greek Th ought . Boulder, CO: Eastern European Monographs, 2006, p. 201.
  14. In 1738, he would describe one of these dreams in the following terms, 'I saw [. . .] a two-headed eagle high in the heavens, shining like the sun [. . .] with a kingly crown upon its head, with a cross, as customary, on its peak. Eagle, crown, cross, all with innumerable shining stars forming all around. Nearby the eagle, Constantine the Great, together with his mother, and he too with a cross. ' K. Dapontes, ' Όνειρον ' , in Οι Πρόδρομοι , ed. L. Vranouses. Athens: Ζαχαρόπουλος , 1955, p. 20.
  15. For more on the Russian expectation, consult Molos, pp. 100-102. Rotzokos, pp. 171- 174, 219-221.
  16. Sathas, Μεσαιωνική Βιβλιοθήκη , p. μς .
  17. Nikolaos Andriotis, ' Το Χρωνικό του Άμστερνταμ ' [Th e Chronicle of Amsterdam], Nea Estia , 10 (1931), p. 920.
  18. For instance, in one document from 1755, he would claim that 'as the wind lift s the grasshopper, that is how [this tyranny] will be lift ed from us' . Quoted in translation from Vangeles Skouvaras, Ιωάννης Πρίγκος: η Ελληνική Παροικία του Άμστερνταμ, η Σχολή και η Βιβλιοθήκη Ζαγοράς [Ioannis Prigkos: Th e Greek Colony of Amsterdam, the School and the Library of Zagora]. Athens: Έκδοση της Ιστορικής και Λαογραφικής Εταιρείας των Θεσσαλών , 1964, p. 208.
  19. From 1770 to 1774, Paros was part of the semi-autonomous Archipelagic Principality that the Russians had helped to administer. For more information, consult: Elena Smilyanskaya, ' "Protection" or "Possession": How Russians Created a Greek Principality in 1770-1775 ' , in Power and Infl uence in South-Eastern Europe, 16th-19th Century , ed. Maria Baramova, Plamen Mitev, Ivan Parvev and Vania Racheva. Zurich: Lit, 2013, pp. 209-217.
  20. Skouvaras, p. 208. 25 Ibid., p. 209.
  21. Ibid. 27 Ibid., p. 208.
  22. Prigkos dated the fall of the Byzantine Empire to 1452 in this document: Skouvaras, p. 209. 29 Ibid., p. 208.
  23. Birol Gundoglu, ' Ottoman Constructions of the Morea Rebellion, 1770s: A Comprehensive Study of Ottoman Attitudes to the Greek Uprising ' , PhD dissertation, University of Toronto, 2012, pp. 30-89.
  24. Paschalis Kitromilides, ' War and Political Consciousness: Th eoretical Implications of Eighteenth-Century Greek Historiography ' , in East Central European Society and War in the Pre-Revolutionary Eighteenth Century , ed. Gunther E. Rothenburg, B é la K. Kir á ly and Peter F. Sugar. New York: Columbia University Press, 1982, p. 357.
  25. See Paschalis Kitromilides, ' Th e Last Battle of the Ancients and Moderns ' , Modern Greek Studies Yearbook , 1 (1985), pp. 79-91.
  26. Alexis Politis, ' From Christian Roman Emperors to the Glorious Greek Ancestors ' , in Byzantium and the Modern Greek Identity , ed. David Ricks and Paul Magdalino. Brookfi eld, VT: Ashgate, 1998, pp. 4-5.
  27. From 25% of the total in the 1700-1725 period to 47% in the 1775-1800 period: Konstantinos Dimaras, ' L'apport de l'Aufl ä rung au D é veloppement de la Conscience N é o-hell é nique ' , in Les Lumi è res et la Formation de la Conscience Nationale chez les Peoples du Sud-est Europ é en , ed. C. Grecescu and S. R â peanu eds. Bucharest: Association internationale d' é tudes du sud-est europ é en, 1970, p. 54.
  28. While Moisiodax's thought in the post-1774 period departs signifi cantly from that of Hobbes, Locke or John Stuart Mill, there is ample evidence to suggest that he had developed liberal sensibilities over the war. Consider, for instance, his concern with intellectual freedom, his endorsement of popular sovereignty and his desire to secure individuals' rights to tolerance and equality.
  29. For a discussion of the importance of the idea of 'belatedness' within Greek intellectual culture, consult: Gregory Jusdanis, Th e Necessary Nation . Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001, p. 102.
  30. Moisiodax's biographer writes, 'On October 16, 1790, a small group of Greek radicals in Vienna issued a proclamation announcing their intention to publish the fi rst Greek gazette to bring news of current aff airs and enlightenment to their countrymen. Th e opening paragraphs of the Announcement , which refer to the cultural achievements of ancient Greece to illustrate the pressing needs of Modern Greek society, are taken verbatim from Moisiodax's prolegomena to his edition of Muratori's Moral Philosophy . ' Paschalis Kitromilides, Th e Enlightenment as Social Criticism: Iosipos Moisiodax and Greek Culture in the Eighteenth Century. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992, p. 182.
  31. Th e 'improving text' was a standard literary form, within which the author presented their work as an instrument of progress and renewal. Take Fragkiskos Skouphos' 1681 work, Τέχνη Ρητορικής [Th e Art of Rhetoric], as a typical example. See also, Kostantaras, p. 75.
  32. Kitromilides, Th e Enlightenment as Social Criticism , pp. 63-66.
  33. Πραγματεία περί Παίδων Αγωγή [Treatise on the Education of the Youth] (1779), Apology (1780) and Th eory of Geography (1781).
  34. Kitromilides, Th e Enlightenment as Social Criticism , pp. 135-142.
  35. Paschalis Kitromilides, Ιώσηπος Μοισιόδαξ: Οι Συντεταγμένες της Βαλκανικής Σκέωης τον 18 ο Αιώνα . Athens: MIET, 1985, pp. 323, 325-326, 331, 339. See also: Molos, pp. 130-132.
  36. Kitromilides, Th e Enlightenment as Social Criticism , p. 97.
  37. Kitromilides, Enlightenment and Revolution , p. 140.
  38. Paschalis Kitromilides, Νεοελληνικός Διαφωτισμός [Modern Greek Enlightenment]. Athens: MIET, 1996, p. 201.
  39. It is unclear whether Locke's work infl uenced Moisiodax's political thought. Also, there is no evidence to suggest that Moisiodax knew English. G.P. Henderson, Th e Revival of Greek Th ought, 1620-1830. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1970, p. 90. Kitromilides suggests that it is unlikely that Locke infl uenced Moisiodax or any other intellectual fi gures during this period, writing: 'What is strikingly absent from this story of intellectual transmission, despite Mavrocordatos' original interest in the Treatise of Civil Government , is Locke's political thought. Up to the Greek War of Independence contact with Locke's ideas remained limited to his theories of knowledge and language and to his views on education. Th e political thought of the Greek Enlightenment remains stubbornly silent as far as Locke is concerned. Whereas the ideas of Montesquieu and Rousseau played a noteworthy role in the development of Greek and more generally Balkan political radicalism at the time of the French Revolution, Locke's views on legitimate authority and his theory of resistance remained foreign to Greek political thought. ' Paschalis Kitromilides, ' John Locke and the Greek Intellectual Tradition: An Episode in Locke's Reception in South-East Europe ' , in Locke's Philosophy: Content and Context , ed. G.A.J. Rogers. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994, p. 229.
  40. Iosipos Moisiodax, ' Παραλλαγή του προς Νικοκλέα λόγου περί Βασιλέας του Ισοκράτους η Κεφάλαια Πολιτικά ' , in Ιώσηπος Μοισιοδάξ , ed. Paschalis Kitromilides. Athens: MEIT, 1985, pp. 345-346.
  41. See section 131 in particular.
  42. Aggelou, p. 46.
  43. Consider, for example, the description he provides of the fi rst part of the text: ' A somewhat exhaustive discourse [. . .] in which are included various notes, some on philosophy, some on ethics, all of them relating in one way or another to the subject of the tract or to the present condition of our race . ' Translated from: Ibid., p. 174. My italics. 56 Ibid., p. 153.
  44. Th e concept of the 'constituting other' is borrowed from Maria Todorova, who uses it in Imagining the Balkans. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997 on pages 147 and 156.
  45. In describing 'Hellas' in 1761, Moisiodax would note that it included 'all the diasporas of the Hellenes. ' Translated from Iosipos Moisiodax, ' Ηθική Φιλοσοφία ' , in Ιώσηπος Μοισιοδάξ , ed. Paschalis Kitromilides. Athens: MEIT, 1985, p. 325.
  46. Aggelou, op. cit., p. 10.
  47. Letter from Voltaire to Catherine, dated 9 February 1771, in William Fiddian Reddaway, ed., Documents of Catherine the Great: Th e Correspondence with Voltaire and the Instruction of 1767 . New York: Russell & Russell, 1971, p. 96.
  48. Molos, pp. 121-125.
  49. Aggelou, p. 40. My italics.
  50. Ibid., p. 36. For an additional discussion of this passage, consult: Kitromilides, Th e Enlightenment as Social Criticism , p. 172.
  51. Aggelou, p. 167, ff . 1.
  52. Ibid., p. 166, ff . 1.
  53. Paschalis Kitromilides suggests that the work of Rousseau may have come to infl uence Moisiodax's thought by this time: Kitromilides, Th e Enlightenment as Social Criticism , p. 176.
  54. Aggelou, p. 80, ff . 1.
  55. Kitromilides, Th e Enlightenment as Social Criticism , p. 108.
  56. Ibid., pp. 168-169.
  57. I. Moisiodax, Θεωρία της Γεωγραφίας. Vienna: Johann Th omas Trattner, 1781, pp. 162-163, ff . 2.
  58. Not one to mince words, Voulgaris proclaimed that 'the worthless books that profess to philosophize in the vulgar tongue should be hissed off the stage' . Translated from: Eugenios Voulgaris, Η Λογική εκ Παλαιώντε και Νεωτέρων Συνερανισθείσα . Leipzig: Vreitkopf, 1766, p. 49. For a more detailed discussion of Voulgaris' views, consult: Peter Mackridge, Language and National Identity in Greece, 1766-1796. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009, pp. 83-87.
  59. Eugenios Voulgaris, Εισήγησις της Αυτοκρατορικής Μεγαλειότητος Αικατερίνας Β ' . St. Petersburg, 1771, pp. 42-43.
  60. Moisiodax, Θεωρία της Γεωγραφίας , pp. x-xi.
  61. Ibid., pp. x-xi.
  62. Kitromilides, Ιώσηπος Μοισιόδαξ , p. 324.
  63. Consider also his infl uence upon geographers Grigorios Constantas and Daniel Philippides, the poet and linguist Ioannis Vilaras, the conservative linguist Panayiotes Kodrikas, and the Cephalonian doctor and mathematician Spyridon Asanis. Kitromilides, Th e Enlightenment as Social Criticism , pp. 115-116, 180, 182. Kostantaras, p. 186.
  64. Bal á zs Trencs é nyi and Michal Kope č ek, eds., Discourses on Collective Identity in Central and Southeastern Europe . Budapest: Central European University Press, 2006, p. 210. 80 Th is view was circulated in the writings of Burke, Charles Emmanuel de Warnery, Francesco Griselini and Giacamo Casanova aft er the failure of the Orlov Revolt. Molos, pp. 267-328.
  65. Konstantinos Dimaras, ed., Τα Ευρισκόμενα , 2nd edn. Athens: Hermes, 1999, p. 206.
  66. Mackridge, p. 92.
  67. Dimaras, Τα Ευρισκόμενα , p. 104.
  68. Ibid., pp. 104-105.
  69. Ibid., pp. 49-50. On the signifi cance of Katartzis advancing one of the fi rst theories of the historical continuity of the Greek nation, consult: Kitromilides, Νεοελληνικός Διαφωτισμός , p. 215.
  70. Dimaras, Τα Ευρισκόμενα , pp. 49-50.
  71. Ibid., pp. 43-44.
  72. Ibid., pp. 12-13.
  73. For a discussions of the importance of the idea of 'belatedness' within Greek intellectual culture, consult: Jusdanis, p. 102.
  74. Dimaras, Τα Ευρισκόμενα , p. 9.
  75. Ibid., pp. 44-45.
  76. Edmund Burke, Refl ections on the French Revolution . London: J.M. Dent & Sons, 1791, pp. 31, 58, 93.
  77. Dimaras, Τα Ευρισκόμενα , pp. 56-57.
  78. Ibid., pp. 55, 65 and 70.
  79. Ibid., pp. 91-92.
  80. Kostantaras, pp. 71-72.
  81. Konstantinos Palaiologos, ' Ρωσικά περί Ελλάδος έγγραφα ' [Russian Documents on Greece], Παρνασσός , 1881, pp. 147-148. Horace Mann included an Italian version of Catherine's proclamation in a diplomatic dispatch, which can be found in the National Archives in London, within the 'State Papers Foreign 1509-1782' collection: SP 98/75: p. 27. Orlov's proclamation can be found transcribed in: Kontogiannis, pp. 461-464. An original copy of the proclamation can be found in the Εθνικό Ιστορικό Μουσείο (National Historical Museum) in Athens. Voltaire, ' Ode Pindarique à Propos la Guerre Pr é sente en Gr é ce ' , in Oeuvres Compl è tes de Voltaire: avec des Notes et une Notice sur la Vie de Voltaire , vol. 2, ed. Jean-Antoine-Nicolas de Caritat de Condorcet. Paris: Chez Firmin-Didot Fr è res, 1843, p. 572.
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