Democratic Dissent and the Politics of Rescue During the Twenty-First Century’s “Inhospitable” EU Migration “Crisis” (original) (raw)

Sovereign Power and Modern Violence: The European Refugee Crisis and the Mediterranean as Camp

The problem of the refugee has been one that has plagued the international community since the advent of the modern state system. The last century has seen dozens of refugee crises, from the World Wars to the Great Lakes conflicts in Africa. However, the current refugee migration out of the Middle East is the largest of its kind since the end of the Second World War. As these refugees struggle to reach Europe, European governments themselves are wrestling with the problem of managing such a high influx of people. In making their way towards Europe, many thousands of refugees have died or gone missing in the Mediterranean Sea, something for which Europe has been heavily criticised. This dissertation seeks to examine to what extent Agamben’s theories, as laid out in Homo Sacer, explain the current refugee crisis in the Mediterranean Sea. Additionally, what particular insights are gained—and lost—by such an analysis? I argue that the relationship between refugees and European governments in the Mediterranean Sea creates a modern day camp within that space. While there are certain critiques that pose a problem to this theory in general, they pose less of a problem for the particular concept of the Mediterranean as a camp. In the end, I argue that this theory brings to light the fundamental biopolitical relationship between European governments and refugees, and allows us to see the corralling of refugees into the Mediterranean as a purposeful and deliberate creation by European governments to mitigate the numbers of refugees successfully making it to their shores.

Stepka Maciej. 2018. Humanitarian Securitization of the 2015 ‘Migration Crisis’. Investigating Humanitarianism and Security in the EU Policy Frames on Operational Involvement in the Mediterranean,” in Migration Policy in Crisis, ed. Ibrahim Sirkeci et al. London, 9–30.

Migration Policy in Crisis, 2018

This chapter investigates the process of the so-called humanitarian securitization, focusing on dynamics between humanitarian and security-oriented rhetoric and policy actions embedded in the EU policy frames produced in response to the 2015 “migration crisis”. In doing so, it focuses on the nature of the humanitarian framing of the crisis within the EU policy discourse and its relation to the development of operational and militarized responses (i.e. EUNAVFOR Sophia, Frontex border operations) to increased migratory flows. The chapter centres predominantly on the Mediterranean border of the EU, which, given its dangerous nature of irregular border crossing and the number of fatalities, occupies the central role in conceptualization of the humanitarian features of the “migration crisis”. In this approach the chapter does not focus humanitarianism and security as opposite or mutually exclusive, but concentrates on the way these two logics coincide and intertwine in the framing process. In this respect, the chapter contributes to less-studied branch of securitization, showing how human referent object and the idea of humanitarianism have been utilized and gradually marginalized in the conceptualization of remedial actions towards the crisis, changing the nature of the EU’s operations in the Mediterranean from “search and rescue” to “seek and destroy”.

EuroMed, Migration and Frenemy-Ship: Pretending to Deepen Cooperation Across the Mediterranean (with E Basheska)

Cambridge University Press, 2015, pp. 41–65.

This chapter provides a brief overview of the EU’s Mediterranean policy, to demonstrate that it is too complex, haphazard and ineffective to be a real vehicle for controlling irregular migration in the region. The poor incentives offered to the partners make improvements on the ground difficult and the heavy reliance on conditionality is inexplicable in a situation where the ‘shared’ core values are a mere rhetorical statement, rather than an empirically-grounded observation. Conditionality and help with democracy, human rights protection and the rule of law naturally turn into unfriendly acts aiming at regime change in this context. Unable to affect the root-causes of migration, owing to misconceived value-laden assumptions and dysfunctional policy, the EU suffers from the fruits of its own incapacity and indecision: mare nostrum is a mass grave. Worse still, the EU’s own adherence to its stated values when dealing with irregular migrants is overwhelmingly problematic and is in need of profound reassessment.

Breaking at the Borders: The Migrant "Crisis," European Unity, and the Politics of Care

Since the Eurozone Crisis, many Southern European countries have faced unprecedented austerity measures amid soaring unemployment, social unrest, and one of the largest mass migrations since the end of World War II. These events, as well as European Union policies, have placed pressure on social, political, and economic relationships between Northern and Southern European nations. Further, they have challenged ideas of European unity and what it means to be European during an ongoing humanitarian crisis. This is especially the case in places such as Sicily, historically one of the poorest areas of Southern Europe, a region whose “Italianness” and “Europeanness” is often challenged. This paper, based on research conducted in 2015 and 2016, will explore the evolving conceptualization of Sicilians’ identities within the context of these developing events. Many times local administrators are the final enforcers of international law. The manner in which these laws are implemented shapes the on the ground reality of international and Italian policy and thus refugees’ experiences. I will argue that as the idea of a unified Europe begins to diminish, local actors may lose vested interest in the humanitarian and Enlightenment ideals which have contributed to Europe’s self-identification as a bastion of human rights. Consequently, many of the migrants arriving in Europe may find themselves in a progressively less welcoming environment. Findings in this paper have strong implications for the enforcement of policy in a humanitarian context. Further, this paper will contribute to the anthropologies of migration, identity, and political economy.

A contested asylum system: The European Union between refugee protection and border control in the Mediterranean Sea

European Journal of Migration and Law, 2010

During the past few years the border waters between Europe and Africa have become an EU-policy crucible. In the midst of the tightening of EU border controls and refugee protection claims, supranational, national and local actors fi nd themselves in a phase of legal insecurity and negotiation. Th is article is based on ethnographical research carried out in Libya, Italy and Malta. It sheds light on the diff erent actors' practices at sea and in the surrounding border region. It also explores how new parameters for refugee protection are emerging in the border regions of the European Union. Th e article argues that the policy practices of the co-operation between Italy and Libya as well as the informal operational methods carried out in the Mediterranean Sea function as a trailblazer of the overall EU refugee policy. In the long term, some of these practices will aff ect and change the legal basis and the formal regulations of the European refugee regime. Th e principle of non-refoulement could fi rst be undermined and then abolished in this process. Using an approach that combines the empirical study of border regions with a legal anthropological perspective, the article analyses the Union's processes of change and decision-making on local, national and supranational levels and their interconnections.

NARRATING EUROPE'S MIGRATION AND REFUGEE 'CRISIS'

It is very clear – as many journalists covering the unfolding migration and refugee crisis have pointed out – that geography lies at the heart of the events taking place in Europe and the Mediterranean. It is a story of borders and routes, of distance and proximity, and of location and accessibility. The role of (re-) bordering has been fundamental in states' attempts to 'manage' and 'control' the refugee and migrant flows and, in this respect, we observe a return to the more traditional practices of bordering – physical barriers and personnel-heavy security controls – rather than the previous processes of 'externalizing' and 'internal-izing' border management. In the Eastern Mediter-ranean and the Balkans the external border of the European 'fortress' has been prised open, whilst the free-movement ethos of the Schengen area has been compromized by EU states' reactions to the large-scale movement of migrants and refugees and recent acts of terrorism. In this introductory paper we bring a critical geopolitical lens into play in order to understand the European, regional and global power geometries at work, and we critically examine the political and media rhetoric around the various discursive constructions of the migrant/refugee 'crisis', including both the negative and the Islamophobic utterances of some European leaders and the game-changing iconicity of certain media images.

The anti-policy of European anti-smuggling as a site of contestation in the Mediterranean migration 'crisis'

This article analyses the European anti-smuggling agenda as an anti-policy that derives legitimacy from fighting ‘bad things’, in terms that mask political disagreement. By juxtaposing the agenda to the experiences and understandings of those whom such measures affect most directly – people migrating without authorisation to the EU – it uncovers the productivity of anti-smuggling and the political contestations surrounding it. Based on a qualitative analysis of 257 interviews carried out with 271 people who travelled – or sought to travel – across the Mediterranean Sea by boat using smuggling networks, the article highlights the complicity of governing authorities and officials with smuggling networks and practices, as well as the diversity and ambivalences of relationships between smugglers and the smuggled. Going further, the article points to the specific ways in which anti-smuggling is contested by those on the move, which expose a central political disagreement over the legitimacy of mobility across borders.

A Mediterranean Perspective on Migrants’ Flows in the European Union: Protection of Rights, Intercultural Encounters and Integration Policies

2016

I am particularly pleased to be here today at the 'initiation' of the Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence on Migrants' Rights in the Mediterranean, and I would like to express my thanks to Professor Giuseppe Cataldi and to Dr Anna Liguori for the invitation and for what is a most timely initiative in a most appropriate location. Above all, however, I would like to express my thanks to Italy, to the people of Italy, for all that they have done over the past eighteen months and more to bring safety and protection to those putting their lives, their future, at risk on the sea. It is a noble record. Italy has acted as the conscience of Europe, putting into daily practice the values which so many of us, speaking as a European, count dear. But it has done so without the degree of support-material, moral and practical-which it is entitled to expect from its partners in the community. Europe, or at least, the European Union, claims the right to manage the movement of people across the Mediterranean, but it is too ready to decline the responsibilities and to dispute the obligations that go with that claim. Many of us hope that this will change, and this afternoon, I want to follow up my thanks with what I hope will be some insights into the nature of those duties, and some suggestions about what needs to be done next. Let me begin, however, with some views from outside, from across the Atlantic. Writing in The New Yorker on 4 May, Philip Gourevitch put it clearly and succinctly: "... every year, people drown in the waters between Africa and Europe. And this year almost two thousand have died, including, last week, nearly eight hundred on one ship, which capsized and sank en route to Italy. Before that horrifying incident, this year's death rate for Mediterranean boat people was ten times higher than it was for the same period a year ago. Now it's thirty times higher, and that increase is attributable to Europe's dereliction of duty..."