Helsinki Syndrome: The Parachronistic Renaissance of Finlandization in International Politics (original) (raw)

Ukraine, Finlandization, and the Coloniality of Sovereignty

Footnotes, 2023

The attack against Ukraine is yet another show of how sovereignty is, in reality, determined much as it was before World War I—by those powerful enough to impose how we see and understand world politics, even if today its façade is that of the nation-state. Behind this nation-state façade lie imperial structures that reveal the coloniality of sovereignty—that is, how sovereign power is unequally distributed, falsely attributed to national self-determination, yet legitimized through a rhetoric of nation-statehood, and thereby subject to manipulation.

The Approach of Finland to Russian Occupation of Ukraine: Securitisation of the Putin Regime

Uluslararası Ekonomi, İşletme ve Politika Dergisi - International Journal of Economics, Business and Politics, Vol.6, No.2 (TR Dizin, Index Copernicus, DOAJ, BASE - Bielefeld Academic Search Engine), 2022

The purpose of this article is to explain the approach of Finland to Russian occupation of Ukraine. Finnish foreign policy implemented between February 24 when Ukraine-Russia War began, and June 30, is analysed by using securitisation theory developed by the Copenhagen School. This study argues that Finland securitised the Putin regime. As a consequence of securitisation analysis, the article reached four results. First, Finnish Prime Minister Sanna Marin and President Sauli Niinistö see Russia under the Putin government as a military threat. Second, Prime Minister Sanna Marin and President Sauli Niinistö want to make Finland a member of NATO to strengthen defence capabilities of the country against Russia. Third, Finland securitised the Putin regime. Fourth, as a member of the European Union, Finland has applied collective EU sanctions on Russia, President Vladimir Putin and his close partners. By applying for NATO membership, Finland abandoned the policy of military neutrality that it has been implementing since the 20th century. Keywords: Securitisation Theory, Finland, Ukraine-Russia War, the Putin Regime

The Evolution of Finnish-Russian Relations from 1917 to the Present

Il Politico, 2022

This work aims to trace the evolution of Finnish-Russian relations, starting with Finland's independence (1917) and ending with the present day. Particular attention is paid to the second post-war period, during which the Finnish country, following a reversal of its traditional policy towards the East, experienced so-called Finlandisation. Outlining the singular characteristics of the relationship between the two countries during the twentieth century allows us to better appreciate the new change of course that the Finnish leadership has recently made towards Moscow: In fact, in the face of an improvement in its relative position vis-à-vis its cumbersome neighbour, and following its entry into the European Union, Helsinki now seems to have abandoned the policy of conciliation that - shared by representatives of the entire parliamentary arc, and remaining a fundamental assumption of Finnish foreign policy strategies for over forty years - was now becoming part of the Finnish national identity itself.

To Be or to Become ‘European’? ‘Westernizing’ Narratives in Post-Cold War Finland

The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies, 2009

The Finnish ‘westernizing’ narrative emphasizes Finland’s ‘westernness’, i.e. the idea that Finland and Finns have always been western and part of the ‘European family’. The recent past is not seen as an obstacle for this interpretation. Thus, according to this type of discourse, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and ‘liberated’ from the constraints of the Cold War, Finland could finally ‘return’ to the West, to Europe, to its ‘natural’ origins. This article examines in short what might be called the post-Cold War narrative of Finnish westernness as it appears in the English language sources. It argues that the westernizing narrative is very important in justifying Finland’s post-Cold War position in the international politics, especially its position in the European politics. The article is divided in two parts. The first one examines the narrative of the westernness of Finland, Finns or Finnish ‘identity’ as it appears in some scientific writings, press materials and politic...

Thinking of Russia: Finnish Neutrality after the Cold War and the Influence of Russian Neighborhood on Finnish Cooperation with NATO

Central European Journal of International and Security Studies, 2020

In recent years, Finland has closely cooperated with NATO and Finnish politicians emphasize that Finland may consider joining the Alliance at any point. However, this step is unlikely in the foreseeable future. Russia’s aggressive actions abroad disconcert Finland; as this article shows, even after Russia’s war with Georgia and the breakout of the crisis in Ukraine, the situation is not deemed serious enough by the Finns for them to risk a serious deterioration of relations with their eastern neighbor. Rather than crossing the interests of Moscow, whose perception of the world Finland has been able uniquely to understand thanks to its historical experience, the country opts for a more complex, yet also safer, path of balancing between ever-closer cooperation with NATO, and maintaining the status of a non-member country.

European security and Finland’s policy during the Russian aggression against Ukraine

Acta de historia & politica: saeculum XXI, 2024

The purpose of this article is to analyze the influence of Finland on regional policy of NATO and the Russo-Ukrainian war. The article explores political, economic and military aspects of Finland and Ukraine in the light of the Russian aggression while considering their relationships and foreign policy goals on a regional level. The author draws attention to various aspects of Helsinki domestic and foreign policy that is directed to set a balance in the region and, at the same time, to support Kyiv militarily and economically in confrontation with Moscow. Finland's active policy of promoting stability can be described as a two-track policy, whereby EU membership and intensified military cooperation with Western partners provide a basis for the maintenance and development of relations with Russia. The author focused on energy resources and its importance for Finland that has a long history of energy trade with Russia. The trade is practically one-directional, as Finland lacks domestic fossil fuel reserves in comparison with its substantial demand for energy, whereas Russia has significant export volumes. Along with the above-mentioned issues, the author is observing aggressive Russian military activities in the Baltic Sea region. Despite peaceful relationships with Finland, Moscow does not mind to remind neighboring countries who calls the tune in the region. Pursuing this purpose, Russia increases military activity in the Baltic Sea region with relatively frequent airspace and territorial water violations. As a result, there is a risk that collisions or provocations might lead to a rapid and uncontrolled escalation. So, Finland finds its important to keep open channels for political dialogue and to seek ways to reactivate existing confidence-building measures. Finland-NATO relationships are taken into consideration as well. The author described the process of Finland's accession to the alliance. After almost 30 years of close partnership with NATO, Finland joined the Alliance on April 4, 2023. Its partnership with NATO was historically based on its policy of military non-alignment, which changed following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Following Russia's aggression, Ukraine has requested materiel assistance from the EU and NATO member countries. To date, Finland has donated 23 defence materiel packages to Ukraine. The combined value of all defence materiel packages submitted so far is now over EUR 2 billion.

Still a Physician rather than a Judge? The Post-Cold War Foreign and Security Policy of Finland

2013

This article seeks to explain some of the key changes in Finnish foreign and security policy since the end of the Cold War. Finland's peace policy during the Cold War built on a selfimage of a neutral bridge-builder between East and West, that is a 'peacekeeping superpower' and a 'physician not judge' in world politics. Since that Finland's neutrality has been replaced with a peculiar combination of military non-alignment and commitment to the European Union's common security and defence policy. A change has taken place from traditional peacekeeping to military crisis management led by the EU and NATO. Lately, Finland has started to build a profile in the field of peace mediation. This article argues that these changes have been enabled by a recalibrated understanding of small stateness, as Finnish identity has been adjusted from small-state neutrality towards 'member-state alignment' and 'small-EU-member-stateness'. Consequently, the Finnish physician approach has been reconstructed for the post-Cold War world.

Something old, new, borrowed, and blue: towards a bottom-up agenda of the Finnish-Russian relations

Fennia - International Journal of Geography, 2014

. Something old, new, borrowed, and blue: towards a bottomup agenda of the Finnish-Russian relations. Fennia 192: 1, pp. 65-78. ISSN 1798-5617. While the Finnish-Russian relations of today cannot be fully understood without understanding the past, it is equally important to know how to break away from it. When discussing cross-border interaction, one must be aware of the broader context within which these processes take place. The territorial sovereignty of the nation-state continues to form one of the leading principles upon which international relations are based, yet transnational relations are increasingly run by actors and organisations whose ability to function does not stop at the border. The Finnish-Russian border provides an illuminating laboratory in which to study border change. This article draws on the experience from this border where cross-border cooperation has reflected both the political and socio-cultural change as well as politically and economically motivated interaction. It argues that the best way to normalise neighbourly relations is through increased people-to-people interaction, and preferable this ought to occur from the bottom-up, not from the top-down. Civil society organisations themselves may need to take matters into their own hands and to seek further revenues through social entrepreneurship in order to ensure the continuity of cooperation. Much of the work is carried out heedless of individual project and programme frames. In practice, its success depends on individual actors who are able to shoulder the implementation of the agreed programs and to solve emerging problems and disagreements.

'Let Us Be Finns': The Era before Finland's Independence

The Making of Finland: The Era of the Grand Duchy, 2018

In this introduction to the Journal of Finnish Studies theme issue entitled The Making of Finland: The Era of the Grand Duchy, the editors (Halmari, Kaukonen, Snellman, and Virtanen) outline, in broad strokes, the years when Finland was part of Russia. The second part of the chapter consists of a discussion of the eight chapters that make up this article collection. The contributors approach the topic of the Grand Duchy of Finland (1809–1917) from multiple—and even surprising—perspectives, showing how, in addition to the important cultural events that contributed to Finland’s quest of independence, ordinary aspects of daily life, such as food culture, were also part of this path, as was hunger, poverty, and illness.