Formation and Development of Diplomatic Service in Scandinavian Countries (original) (raw)

Europeans : Norwegian diplomats and the enlargement of the European Community, 1960-1972

2016

Researcher declaration to accompany the submission of written work Department of History and Civilization-Doctoral Programme I Haakon Andreas Ikonomou certify that I am the author of the work Europeans-Norwegian Diplomats and the enlargement of the European Community, 1960-1972 I have presented for examination for the Ph.D. at the European University Institute. I also certify that this is solely my own original work, other than where I have clearly indicated, in this declaration and in the thesis, that it is the work of others. I warrant that I have obtained all the permissions required for using any material from other copyrighted publications. I certify that this work complies with the Code of Ethics in Academic Research issued by the European University Institute (IUE 332/2/10 (CA 297).

Consular Representation in an Emerging State: The Case of Norway

Th e consular institution has regularly been viewed by academics and practitioners alike as the poor sibling of diplomacy: as a career sidetrack or tour of duty for aspiring ambassadors; and as an example devoid of all the intrigue and politics by historians and theoreticians of diplomacy. Through a detailed case study of the emergence and development of consular representation in Norway, this article demonstrates that any comprehensive history of diplomacy must include a history of the consular institution; that the history of the consular institution is nevertheless not reducible to a history of diplomacy; and that studying the consular institution offers up fresh perspectives on the social practices of representation and state formation.

Scandinavians and the League of Nations Secretariat, 1919–1946

Scandinavian Journal of History, 2019

This article reintroduces the Scandinavian perspective on interwar internationalism by mapping and analysing the Scandinavian staff in the League Secretariat. Combining quantitative and qualitative sources, the article explores how the Scandinavian members of staff were viewed by and situated in the institutional topography of the League Secretariat; how they were related to and positioned towards the national foreign policy establishment; and what the postwar trajectories of the Scandinavian League staff looked like. With these perspectives, the article offers three key insights: First, the interplay between the League Secretariat and the foreign policy strategies pursued by the Scandinavians, was highly productive, and the international issues that different Scandinavian countries engaged with through the League staff was substantially determined by the institutional setup of the League. Second, we note clear differences in terms of strategy and commitment between the three countries' Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFAs). Third, the careers of the Scandinavians working in the Secretariat show a clear continuity of Scandinavian internationalism across the Second World War. The experience, prestige and networks gained from working in the League Secretariat often translated into key positions in postwar IOs or within the new multilateral parts of the MFAs.

Comprehensive Register of Danish-Muscovite Diplomatic Missions 1493-1523 (2nd Revised Edition)

The nature, intensity, and impact of the Danish-Muscovite political and diplomatic relationship that came into existence towards the onset of the Early Modern Period are only vaguely understood in modern historiography. To form a solid factual base for deeper research in the topic, the author compiled as full as possible a roster of diplomatic missions between kings Hans and Christian II of Denmark-Norway and grand princes Ivan III and Vasilij III of Moscow in the period 1493-1523. The result, totalling some fifty missions, is as unexpected as it is telling of the relationship.

ROMANIAN DIPLOMATS IN THE SCANDINAVIAN COUNTRIES (1916-1947

The main object of the present paper is to introduce the diplomats sent to represent the Romanian state in Stockholm, Copenhagen, Helsinki and Oslo, as heads of diplomatic missions. Did they have professional or human connections with the Nordic states? Were they moved from one legation in the Scandinavian world to another? In other words, were they specialists in Scandinavian matters? Were the Nordic states a professional attraction /a trampoline in the career of Romanian diplomats or were they `quiet` diplomatic missions, marginal in importance, less attractive to diplomats? In my attempt to provide an answer to these questions I found that most of those who took turns as head of legation in the Scandinavian countries had not previously been trained at the same missions. Only three ministers had two missions as heads of legation in the region and only two of them had, throughout their career, held positions in missions in the Scandinavian states. In addition to this, the fact that for 10 of the 23 ministers plenipotentiary being appointed as head of legation in the Scandinavian world was their first experience of the kind stands to attention. This proves that the diplomatic missions in Northern Europe can be perceived, in general, as a place to test/promote talented or experienced diplomats with a tortuous career path as envoys extraordinary or ministers plenipotentiary, positions which entailed higher responsibility for their occupants. Aside from these remarks, it must be emphasized that two of the legation holders that succeeded each other throughout more than three decades in the Scandinavian capitals, held, for a brief while, the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs. R 148 | Revista Română de Studii Baltice și Nordice / The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 6 (2)

Connected Legacies: The Nordic Countries and International Studies in the Interwar Decades

2019

The years following the First World War saw an emerging collaboration among decision-makers, diplomats and scholars on issues of international peace and cooperation. The International Studies Conference (ISC) was perhaps the central academic forum for this endeavour during the interwar years. The ISC and transatlantic funding also set the scene for Nordic efforts in cooperation within the new field of "International Studies". In turn, interwar efforts in networking and collaboration would have a lasting impact on how Nordic academic elites oriented themselves toward each other and the outside world. This is a brief sketch for a longer piece, hopefully. For a broad overview including many related themes and issues, please see The League of Nations: Perspectives from the Present, edited by Haakon A. Ikonomou and Karen Gram-Skjoldager and just published on the 100th anniversary of the Versailles Treaty by Aarhus University Press. It includes my (more carefully edited) chapter "The Scandinavian Centre: Denmark and the Early Years of International Studies under the League of Nations."

Activism, Diplomacy and Swedish-German Relations during the First World War

The main hypothesis of this article contends that unofficial, informal, private, or alternative variants of diplomacy are by no means a recent phenomenon, but rather belong to the key, indeed constitutive elements of traditional aristocracy-and court-based diplomacy. In order to illustrate the continued effect of unofficial or semi-official diplomatic networks on the perception and making of policy I use the example of the relations between neutral Sweden and the German Empire during the First World War. It is here, enabled by the neutral abstention of Sweden from the conflict, that politics and diplomacy most effectively preserved their function and even enhanced their significance, while increasingly obscuring the delineation between the official and the unofficial, almost to the point of rendering such distinctions useless.

Chief Executive Organization and Advisory Arrangements for Foreign AffairsThe Case of Sweden

Cooperation and Conflict - COOP CONFL, 2008

As prime ministers are drawn into international relations and the foreign policy process, they are in need of advisory structures for foreign affairs in their offices. This article examines the system and the role of foreign affairs advisers to the Prime Minister (PM), the chief executive, in Sweden. The article centres on the organization for foreign affairs, in general terms of institutional and staffing arrangements, and on leader—adviser relationships. As the right hand of the PM, inner circle advisers in foreign affairs have a direct role in overseeing foreign policy on the key issues and do more than just serve in an advisory capacity by being operative in diplomacy and in policy coordination. These advisers can therefore wield influence on policy and the government based on their own expertise and position at the centre of power and at the frontier between the chief executive and the outside world.

The history of diplomatic relations between Romania and Norway during the interwar period

The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies, 2011

This article aims at reconstructing based on diplomatic archives’ records the history of diplomatic and consular relations between the two countries during the interwar period. The diplomatic bonds between the two countries date back already before Norway had obtained its sovereignty by dissolving the United Kingdom of Sweden and Norway in 1905. Eventually, Romania recognized the Norwegian independence and conducted diplomatic relations with Norway through its legation in Berlin. The first official legation in Norway was established in 1917 by Grigore Bilciurescu’s appointment as chargé d’affaires in Christiania (Oslo). On the other hand, the first Norwegian diplomat who resided in Bucharest was Terje Knudtzon in 1935. During most of the interwar period the diplomatic relations between the two countries were conducted through envoys residing in other European capitals. The article fits into the category of historical evidence works and since it has adopted a chronological approach, ...