Examining Megachurch Growth: Free Riding, Fit, and Faith By (original) (raw)
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(WP 2010-07) Examining Megachurch Growth: Free Riding, Fit, and Faith
International Journal of Social Economics
Megachurches are thriving in religious markets at a time when Americans are asserting their ability as consumers of religious products to engage in religious switching. The apparent success of megachurches, which often provide a low cost and low commitment path by which religious refugees may join the church, seems to challenge Iannocconne’s theory that high commitment churches will thrive while low commitment churches will atrophy. This paper employs a signaling model to illustrate the strategy and organizational forms megachurches employ to indicate a match between what the church produces and the religious refugee wishes to consume in an effort to increase their membership. The model illustrates that megachurches expect little in regard to financial or time commitment of new attendees. However, once the attendees perceive a good fit with the church, the megachurch increases its expectation of commitment. Data from the FACT2000 survey provide evidence in support of the model’s pre...
(WP 2008-01) A Model of Religious Investment to Explain the Success of “Megachurches”
2008
Despite their non-traditional approach, megachurches have grown significantly in the United States since 1980. This paper constructs a model of religious investment to examine how "seeker"-oriented megachurches succeed in attracting and retaining new members. The model illustrates that megachurches have been able to encourage additional religious investment through group-based activities. Hence, these activities may be viewed as a subsidy for religious investment. As a result, individuals associated with megachurches increase their religious investment relative to individuals associated with non-megachurches. Data from the FACT2000 survey provide evidence that megachurches employ groups to help subsidize individuals' religious investment, and that the resulting religious capital rises among members of megachurches relative to members of non-megachurches.
A Model of Religious Investment to Explain the Success of Megachurches
2008
Despite their non-traditional approach, megachurches have grown significantly in the United States since 1980. This paper constructs a model of religious investment to examine how “seeker”-oriented megachurches succeed in attracting and retaining new members. The model illustrates that megachurches have been able to encourage additional religious investment through group-based activities. Hence, these activities may be viewed as a subsidy for religious investment. As a result, individuals associated with megachurches increase their religious investment relative to individuals associated with non-megachurches. Data from the FACT2000 survey provide evidence that megachurches employ groups to help subsidize individuals’ religious investment, and that the resulting religious capital rises among members of megachurches relative to members of non-megachurches.
Subsidizing Religious Participation Through Groups: A Model of the “Megachurch” Strategy for Growth
Review of Religious Research, 2012
Either despite or because of their non-traditional approach, megachurches have grown significantly in the United States since 1980. This paper models religious participation as an imperfect public good which, absent intervention, yields suboptimal participation by members from the church's perspective. Megachurches address this problem by employing secular based group activities to subsidize religious participation in an effort to increase attendees' religious investment. This strategy not only allows megachurches to attract and retain new members when many traditional churches are losing members, but also results in higher levels of individual satisfaction thereby allowing the megachurch to raise levels of commitment and faith practices. Data from the FACT2000 survey provide evidence that megachurches employ groups more extensively than other churches and this approach is consistent with a strategy to use the provision of groups to help subsidize individuals' religious investment. Religious capital rises among members of megachurches relative to members of non-megachurches as a result of this strategy.
A central claim of the religious economies model is that religious competition affects levels of religious participation and commitment primarily because religious competition pushes the suppliers of religion (religious leaders and organizations) to market their faith more vigorously and effectively. We examine whether U.S. congregations experiencing greater religious competition measured by their smaller religious market share do more to recruit new members, offer more services to current followers, and whether their clergy work longer hours. The efforts of congregations and clergy do vary substantially, but this variation is not related to their denomination's market share. The variations are also not due to religious pluralism, intradenominational competition, or evangelical market share. Members of small market share congregations are more committed, but this higher commitment does not appear to arise because religious suppliers are responding to religious competition. Several alternative explanations for the higher commitment levels of small market share groups are offered with a discussion of the implications for theories of religious competition.
Review of Religious Research
Background It is typically assumed in the social scientific study of religion that individuals attend one congregation or none. As such, there is scarce research on individuals who attend more than one congregation yet doing so may affect congregational participation. Purpose This study theorizes factors affecting whether someone attends multiple congregations and how this might influence congregational volunteering and giving in the context of megachurches. It hypothesizes that parents, those who are single, those of lower socioeconomic status, those who are racially and ethnically minoritized, and those who are not socially embedded in a congregation will be more likely to attend a megachurch and other congregations. It also theorizes competing hypotheses regarding the association between attending multiple congregations and congregational volunteering and giving. Methods This study draws on survey data from 12 representative megachurches to test the proposed hypotheses using logistic and ordinal logistic regression models. Results Those who are single, those of lower socioeconomic status, those who are racially and ethnically minoritized, and those who are not socially embedded in the megachurch are more likely to attend multiple congregations simultaneously. Attending multiple congregations is negatively associated with congregational volunteering and giving. Conclusions and Implications The results demonstrate the need to reconceptualize congregational attendance to recognize that individuals may attend more than one congregation. Accordingly, future surveys should allow respondents to identify attending multiple congregations. The results also highlight how congregations may be negatively impacted by non-exclusive attendees who are less likely to volunteer and give money.
The Rise of the Megachurches and Changes in Religious Culture: Review Article
Sociology Compass, 2009
Megachurches represent an emerging and powerful force within American Religion. These large, Protestant churches that average at least 2,000 attendees per week are reshaping religion locally, regionally, and nationally as well as at the denominational and congregational levels. Megachurch leaders have been leaders in religious innovation since the 1970s, ushering in major changes in church architecture, ritual practices, polity, and marketing. In this essay, I review the nascent literature on megachurches. First, I discuss the major descriptive findings from several surveys and case studies of megachurches. Second, I examine scholars' efforts to explain how and why megachurches have emerged and grown over the past forty years. Finally, I suggest several lines of future inquiry that may allow sociologists of religion to extend or refine existing cultural and market based theories of religious change and church-sect theory. Imagine that a friend has invited you and your spouse to attend her church in a nearby suburb. A 20-minute drive on the expressway brings you to a new suburb on the outskirts of a Sunbelt boomtown. You pull into a mall-sized parking lot and an attendant directs you to a special visitor parking section near the church entrance when he learns this is your first time attending the church. You immediately recognize the church looks more like a corporate office park or mall than a traditional church. There is no steeple, no stained glass window, no cross. Instead, you see a large, two-story box-like structure. You enter through one of a series of smoked glass double doors and walk into a large atrium full of people milling about café tables and numerous informational kiosks which remind you of the food court area at your local mall. You are directed to the worship center and are surprised when you enter a space that looks like a theatre and must seat well over 1,000. Again, you notice that this church doesn't look like the one you attended as a child. There are no pews or hymnals, no crosses or candles, no organ or choir loft. On a large stage that juts out into the seating area, a rock band is playing softly. You notice two large video screens high on the back wall of the worship center. Soon, the service begins, led by the rock band joined by a half-dozen