On the correspondence of the Adam Czartoryski party with imam Shamil and his naibs (original) (raw)
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In 2014, Turkey and Poland celebrated the 600 th anniversary of the establishment of their diplomatic relations. The six-century-old relations have been full of negotiations , agreements, peaceful times and conflicts, commercial ties and cultural interplay. Among the cultural interactions, many figures have played important roles for the cultural and political history of both countries. Ali Ufkî Bey (Wojciech Bobowski) (1610?–1675?) is certainly one of those personalities who deserve more scholarly debate. From a historical perspective, his contributions in the fields of culture, diplomacy, music, theology and linguistics illustrate how important the role of an individual as a non-state actor might be in the discipline of International Relations (IR), which constitutes the main focus of this article. Ali Ufkî (Bobowski) is certainly one of those individuals whose contributions need to be analysed in a profound manner, with special emphasis on inter-religious and inter-cultural dialogue. This article also aims at accentuating the historic importance of the 600 years of diplomatic ties in today's foreign policy making process, which might be the subject of further study in IR.
Following the final partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (1795) the Otoman Empire became one of the key destinations for Polish political émigrés. They fled to Istanbul hoping for Otoman support in their efforts to regain independence. Not only did they promote an independent Polish state, but also were many of them involved in the modernization enterprise of the Otoman state. During the Second Constitutional Period (1908-1918) Tadeusz Gasztowt aka Seyfeddin Bey came to prominence as a supporter of the Commitee of Union and Progress, journalist, diplomat and soldier. Meanwhile, in the aftermath of WWI he was one of the main organizers of the diplomatic rapprochement between independent Poland and the Otoman Empire and later, the Republic of Turkey. Given Gasztowt's service to a double national cause this paper puts forward a more inclusive category of a Polish Otoman or an Otoman Pole to define the overlapping allegiances of this individual.
f o date, scholars researching the attitude of the Haskalah to the Hasidim I in Eastern Europe have been drawn predominantly to Galicia and to the early stages ofthis conflict; that is, to the close ofthe eighteenth century and the first decades of the nineteenth century. Naturally this particular approach is tempting, as it embraces the history of both movements in the early phase of their struggle for influence.l It does, however, create the erroneous impression that the ideological clash between the opposing factions ceased around the third decade of the nineteenth century. That impression is especially misleading if it is applied to the Kingdom of Poland, in which Hasidism made a social impact far later than in Galicia or Ukraine. Hence, the conflict between Hasidism and the Haskalah was significantly different. Available sources indicatę that by the end of the third dęcade of the nineteenth century, both Hasidic and 'progressive' (as they called themselves) Jewish circles in Congress Poland were still very weak and had little social significance. Hasidim still numbered below 10 per cent of the total Jewish population of the Kingdom and they could enjoy a visible influence only in a few Jewish communities in central Poland.2 The same holds true for the camp of the Haskalah. The first, * The completion olthis paper was made possible thanks to the support of the Yad Ha-Nadiv Beracha Fellowship. I thank Moshe Rosman, Shaul Stampfer and Theodor Weeks for reading earlier drafts olthis paper. The preliminary version ofthis paper was presented to the I 3th World
My manuscript submission East European Politics and Societies20191212 33901 ehnpy3
This article attempts to reify the vicissitudes of Ukrainian and Jewish political paradigms in the Time of a Ukrainian strive for an independent state in East Galicia, 1918-1923. The article analyzes geo-political realities as they were perceived by the Ukrainian and Jewish political establishments and public opinion. The course of analysis follows the line of existential borderline situations pertaining to each of the given community. These existential situations overall relate to the call of choice with regard to political and military alliances, electoral support and acceptance or unacceptance of the governing power (Poland). In conceptual terms the article elicits paradigms of mutual Ukrainian and Jewish mistrust, lack of compassion and often implementations of typical but not reflective clichés. Proclamation of West Ukrainian National Republic, the Battle for Lviv in November 1918, the course of Polish-Ukrainian War in 1918, 1919, the electoral campaign of 1922 for Polish Parliament (Sejm) and the corresponding mutual reflections, all in all comprise the contextual background, presented in this article. The article draws on the periodical of the Time, personal statements and memoirs and on the interwar monographs and collective works with regard to the Ukrainian, Jewish and Polish mutual vexations. Modern secondary literature on the subject has also been taken into consideration. Abstract This article attempts to reify the vicissitudes of Ukrainian and Jewish political paradigms in the Time of a Ukrainian strive for an independent state in East Galicia, 1918-1923. The article analyzes geo-political realities as they were perceived by the Ukrainian and Jewish political establishments and public opinion. The course of analysis follows the line of existential borderline situations pertaining to each of the given community. These existential situations overall relate to the call of choice with regard to political and military alliances, electoral support and acceptance or unacceptance of the governing power (Poland). In conceptual terms the article elicits paradigms of mutual Ukrainian and Jewish mistrust, lack of compassion and often implementations of typical but not reflective clichés. Proclamation of West Ukrainian National Republic, the Battle for Lviv in November 1918, the course of Polish-Ukrainian War in 1918, 1919, the electoral campaign of 1922 for Polish Parliament (Sejm) and the corresponding mutual reflections, all in all comprise the contextual background, presented in this article. The article draws on the periodical of the Time, personal statements and memoirs and on the interwar monographs and collective works with regard to the Ukrainian, Jewish and Polish mutual vexations. Modern secondary literature on the subject has also been taken into consideration.
The goal of this paper is to briefly describe the relationship of the Croatian and Yugoslav revolutionary and political leader Josip Broz Tito (1892.-1980.) with the Polish people from the beginning of World War I to his death based on works and sources cited. The relationship can be traced primarily in two phases. In the first, Tito comes in contact with the Polish within the Communist Party of Poland (CPP) and the Comintern with the goal of a revolutionary transformation of Europe and the world. That was mostly an illegal thing and it is also how Tito established closer relations with Josip Čižinsky (Milan Gorkić), the Czech-Poland revolutionary and, for a time, the leader of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. Apart from Čižinsky, Tito was briefly connected with the Polish Communist of Jewish origins, Henryk Walecki. He was a high-ranking officer of the Comintern and their relations are still insufficiently researched. After World War II, Tito led the diplomatic activity and foreign policy between the communist Yugoslavia and Poland. The relations were highly complex at that time. The reason for that is the fact that Poland was part of the eastern block i.e. the Russian zone of interest. Among the remaining Polish communist leaders, Tito had the most complex relationship with Vladislav Gomulka, a man who strived to become the “Polish Tito” but the reality of forces did not allow for such ambitions
Pragmatic allegiance: The conversion case of the political agent Michał Czajkowski
In: Becoming Ottoman: Converts, Renegades and Competing Loyalties in the Early Modern and Modern Ages. Eds. Koese, Y., Kucera, P., Volker, T. I.B. Tauris: London, pp. 159–180, 2024
This chapter traces the period of Czajkowski’s political and ideological evolution and activities in the Ottoman Empire from the start of the 1840s, when he was sent to Istanbul, until his Ottomanization in 1850. The events are set in the context of the international confrontations and Polish émigré actions taking place in the European part of the Ottoman Empire. The main part of the text traces the circumstances and the reasons that led to the conversion of Czajkowski, who was a very popular figure in emigration circles. These processes are examined beyond some of the romantic notions imposed by previous researchers. Although Czajkowski underwent a second conversion towards the end of his life (back to Christianity, but this time to Orthodoxy), his first conversion to Islam was the most important and central to his life. This chapter will show how a Slavophile Pole could become a Polonophile Turk. It will show how, in the mid-nineteenth century, close contact with Ottoman officials could lead to integration into the Ottoman political elite; how, against the backdrop of the refugee crisis, the Polish national movement, France and the Ottoman government were realigning their political visions; and how the conversion of a Polish émigré agent in Istanbul was to play a crucial role in all of this.
Seeing Through the Eyes of the Polish Revolution
2013
Anyone who writes a book usually has a big debt to many people who helped in many ways. in my case, for this book, the debt is more far-reaching than usual, and i will attempt to clarify it here. To begin, i want to thank indiana University and the Polish Studies Center at iU Bloomington, and the Russian and East European institute, also at iU Bloomington, for the support they have given me in this project. The Polish Studies Center chose to send me three times on the exchange-programme with Warsaw University. The first, in 1986, was a get-acquainted trip, which made my decision to begin the programme of research that resulted in this book. Jack Bielasiak, who was director of the PSC at the time, was supportive of my efforts to reach beyond my own field of study and to become acquainted with one that was entirely different. This book would not exist but for the aid given me by these institutions, and i am grateful for it. When i first got the news that i had been chosen for the exchange-programme, i decided that i needed to get some contacts who could help me meet people in Poland. david Finkel vouched for me and put me in contact with Jane dobija, a Polish-American woman who had gone to Poland because of Solidarity and who had made extensive contacts there. (Jane later became the nPR correspondent for Poland, for a time.) Jane kindly gave me letters of introduction to Wojciech Adamiecki in Warsaw and to Krzysztof Kasprzyk in Kraków, both independent journalists. They, in turn, introduced me to several people-such that by the time i left after five weeks there, i realised that i had good enough contacts to be able to speak with anyone in the opposition whom i chose. it seemed an opportunity from which i could not walk away. in subsequent visits, both Adamiecki and Kasprzyk helped me continue to make connections. Kasprzyk introduced me to Maciek Szumowski, who took a liking to me; he, in turn, passed me on to Tadeusz Pikulicki, who knew everyone in the opposition in Kraków, and who went out of his way to connect me to these people and to persuade them to talk to me, and who became a good friend of mine. Through this nexus, i not only met the opposition in that city, but also leaders of the reform-movement within the Communist Party, which included Szumowski, Kasprzyk and several others. Kasprzyk later came to the US and stayed with me for a while as he was reconstructing his life. We became good friends. x • Acknowledgments Adamiecki made connections for me in Wroclaw with Barbara Labuda, who was not in Wrocław when i visited, but who made the crucial connections for me there. Later, i contacted Jan Lityński, who helped me a great deal, and who gave me a crucial connection in Gdańsk to Joanna Wojciechowicz, who connected me with virtually everyone i spoke with there. Adamiecki also gave me a connection with Jarosław Szczepański, who arranged for me to stay in Jastrzębie with Joanna Latoch and her family. She arranged for a translator and set up my interviews. That was a particularly important connection for me as Joanna later became my wife (and translator). Adamiecki furthermore gave me contacts in the US and Canada with key oppositionists who were then in exile. He also helped sustain me when i was in Warsaw. in Warsaw, Witold Morawski provided me with an academic connection to the sociology department at Warsaw University. He also befriended me, encouraged me in my work and read an early version of this manuscript. Similarly, Jadwiga Koralewicz and Edmund Wnuk-Lipiński took an interest in my work and provided me with encouragement and advice. Beyond those people who were essential to this project were my friends and colleagues who encouraged me. Bert Useem supported the idea of my taking on this entirely new project; his friendship and our debates concerning the world have helped sustain me during a lengthy period. R. Stephen Warner, who i first got to know when we were graduate students at Berkeley, became a good friend for decades. i have thanked him for his help on many projects; he also helped sustain me in this one-and he played a special role in helping my then-fiancée, Joanna, and me get together. When i was in Greece and she in Poland and i could not connect with her, i phoned Steve and asked him to convey a message to her for me (she at first thought it was a hoax). My thanks go to each of the people whom i interviewed, including those who were not quoted in the text. Many of them granted me large blocks of time, and some of them became my friends, including Wojciech Adamiecki, Krzysztof Kasprzyk, Tadeusz and Elka Pikulicki, Maciek Szumowski and dorota Terakowska, Ryszard and Zosia Sawicki and Aleksander Krystosiak. in addition, there are others who helped me in various ways. Thanks to Anne Koehler, who runs the inter-library-loan desk at indiana University northwest and who always got me virtually everything i asked of her. i am grateful (there is no other way to put it) to Jackie Coven, one of iUn's wonderful team of technicians; Jackie resolved for me too many word-processing problems to count, as this manuscript began in Word Perfect and later migrated through at least three versions of Word, each creating some difficult-to-handle problems of formatting. She even took my problems home and invited me in as she helped me. And Carol Wood generously shared her knowledge of computers to come to my aid time and again. Mark Uncapher guided me to buy several generations of laptops. Acknowledgments • xi it is hard to see how i could have finished this product without their aid. For Brill, this manuscript had to be translated from American-English to British-English and to be formatted in precise ways that their house-style requires. Fortunately for me, my wife Joanna did this job for me, while i fussed with finalising the manuscript. She also did considerable translating for me during my later interviews and found and translated texts for me that contributed to the manuscript.