On the correspondence of the Adam Czartoryski party with imam Shamil and his naibs (original) (raw)
In 2014, Turkey and Poland celebrated the 600 th anniversary of the establishment of their diplomatic relations. The six-century-old relations have been full of negotiations , agreements, peaceful times and conflicts, commercial ties and cultural interplay. Among the cultural interactions, many figures have played important roles for the cultural and political history of both countries. Ali Ufkî Bey (Wojciech Bobowski) (1610?–1675?) is certainly one of those personalities who deserve more scholarly debate. From a historical perspective, his contributions in the fields of culture, diplomacy, music, theology and linguistics illustrate how important the role of an individual as a non-state actor might be in the discipline of International Relations (IR), which constitutes the main focus of this article. Ali Ufkî (Bobowski) is certainly one of those individuals whose contributions need to be analysed in a profound manner, with special emphasis on inter-religious and inter-cultural dialogue. This article also aims at accentuating the historic importance of the 600 years of diplomatic ties in today's foreign policy making process, which might be the subject of further study in IR.
Seeing Through the Eyes of the Polish Revolution
2013
Anyone who writes a book usually has a big debt to many people who helped in many ways. in my case, for this book, the debt is more far-reaching than usual, and i will attempt to clarify it here. To begin, i want to thank indiana University and the Polish Studies Center at iU Bloomington, and the Russian and East European institute, also at iU Bloomington, for the support they have given me in this project. The Polish Studies Center chose to send me three times on the exchange-programme with Warsaw University. The first, in 1986, was a get-acquainted trip, which made my decision to begin the programme of research that resulted in this book. Jack Bielasiak, who was director of the PSC at the time, was supportive of my efforts to reach beyond my own field of study and to become acquainted with one that was entirely different. This book would not exist but for the aid given me by these institutions, and i am grateful for it. When i first got the news that i had been chosen for the exchange-programme, i decided that i needed to get some contacts who could help me meet people in Poland. david Finkel vouched for me and put me in contact with Jane dobija, a Polish-American woman who had gone to Poland because of Solidarity and who had made extensive contacts there. (Jane later became the nPR correspondent for Poland, for a time.) Jane kindly gave me letters of introduction to Wojciech Adamiecki in Warsaw and to Krzysztof Kasprzyk in Kraków, both independent journalists. They, in turn, introduced me to several people-such that by the time i left after five weeks there, i realised that i had good enough contacts to be able to speak with anyone in the opposition whom i chose. it seemed an opportunity from which i could not walk away. in subsequent visits, both Adamiecki and Kasprzyk helped me continue to make connections. Kasprzyk introduced me to Maciek Szumowski, who took a liking to me; he, in turn, passed me on to Tadeusz Pikulicki, who knew everyone in the opposition in Kraków, and who went out of his way to connect me to these people and to persuade them to talk to me, and who became a good friend of mine. Through this nexus, i not only met the opposition in that city, but also leaders of the reform-movement within the Communist Party, which included Szumowski, Kasprzyk and several others. Kasprzyk later came to the US and stayed with me for a while as he was reconstructing his life. We became good friends. x • Acknowledgments Adamiecki made connections for me in Wroclaw with Barbara Labuda, who was not in Wrocław when i visited, but who made the crucial connections for me there. Later, i contacted Jan Lityński, who helped me a great deal, and who gave me a crucial connection in Gdańsk to Joanna Wojciechowicz, who connected me with virtually everyone i spoke with there. Adamiecki also gave me a connection with Jarosław Szczepański, who arranged for me to stay in Jastrzębie with Joanna Latoch and her family. She arranged for a translator and set up my interviews. That was a particularly important connection for me as Joanna later became my wife (and translator). Adamiecki furthermore gave me contacts in the US and Canada with key oppositionists who were then in exile. He also helped sustain me when i was in Warsaw. in Warsaw, Witold Morawski provided me with an academic connection to the sociology department at Warsaw University. He also befriended me, encouraged me in my work and read an early version of this manuscript. Similarly, Jadwiga Koralewicz and Edmund Wnuk-Lipiński took an interest in my work and provided me with encouragement and advice. Beyond those people who were essential to this project were my friends and colleagues who encouraged me. Bert Useem supported the idea of my taking on this entirely new project; his friendship and our debates concerning the world have helped sustain me during a lengthy period. R. Stephen Warner, who i first got to know when we were graduate students at Berkeley, became a good friend for decades. i have thanked him for his help on many projects; he also helped sustain me in this one-and he played a special role in helping my then-fiancée, Joanna, and me get together. When i was in Greece and she in Poland and i could not connect with her, i phoned Steve and asked him to convey a message to her for me (she at first thought it was a hoax). My thanks go to each of the people whom i interviewed, including those who were not quoted in the text. Many of them granted me large blocks of time, and some of them became my friends, including Wojciech Adamiecki, Krzysztof Kasprzyk, Tadeusz and Elka Pikulicki, Maciek Szumowski and dorota Terakowska, Ryszard and Zosia Sawicki and Aleksander Krystosiak. in addition, there are others who helped me in various ways. Thanks to Anne Koehler, who runs the inter-library-loan desk at indiana University northwest and who always got me virtually everything i asked of her. i am grateful (there is no other way to put it) to Jackie Coven, one of iUn's wonderful team of technicians; Jackie resolved for me too many word-processing problems to count, as this manuscript began in Word Perfect and later migrated through at least three versions of Word, each creating some difficult-to-handle problems of formatting. She even took my problems home and invited me in as she helped me. And Carol Wood generously shared her knowledge of computers to come to my aid time and again. Mark Uncapher guided me to buy several generations of laptops. Acknowledgments • xi it is hard to see how i could have finished this product without their aid. For Brill, this manuscript had to be translated from American-English to British-English and to be formatted in precise ways that their house-style requires. Fortunately for me, my wife Joanna did this job for me, while i fussed with finalising the manuscript. She also did considerable translating for me during my later interviews and found and translated texts for me that contributed to the manuscript.
Following the final partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (1795) the Otoman Empire became one of the key destinations for Polish political émigrés. They fled to Istanbul hoping for Otoman support in their efforts to regain independence. Not only did they promote an independent Polish state, but also were many of them involved in the modernization enterprise of the Otoman state. During the Second Constitutional Period (1908-1918) Tadeusz Gasztowt aka Seyfeddin Bey came to prominence as a supporter of the Commitee of Union and Progress, journalist, diplomat and soldier. Meanwhile, in the aftermath of WWI he was one of the main organizers of the diplomatic rapprochement between independent Poland and the Otoman Empire and later, the Republic of Turkey. Given Gasztowt's service to a double national cause this paper puts forward a more inclusive category of a Polish Otoman or an Otoman Pole to define the overlapping allegiances of this individual.
f o date, scholars researching the attitude of the Haskalah to the Hasidim I in Eastern Europe have been drawn predominantly to Galicia and to the early stages ofthis conflict; that is, to the close ofthe eighteenth century and the first decades of the nineteenth century. Naturally this particular approach is tempting, as it embraces the history of both movements in the early phase of their struggle for influence.l It does, however, create the erroneous impression that the ideological clash between the opposing factions ceased around the third decade of the nineteenth century. That impression is especially misleading if it is applied to the Kingdom of Poland, in which Hasidism made a social impact far later than in Galicia or Ukraine. Hence, the conflict between Hasidism and the Haskalah was significantly different. Available sources indicatę that by the end of the third dęcade of the nineteenth century, both Hasidic and 'progressive' (as they called themselves) Jewish circles in Congress Poland were still very weak and had little social significance. Hasidim still numbered below 10 per cent of the total Jewish population of the Kingdom and they could enjoy a visible influence only in a few Jewish communities in central Poland.2 The same holds true for the camp of the Haskalah. The first, * The completion olthis paper was made possible thanks to the support of the Yad Ha-Nadiv Beracha Fellowship. I thank Moshe Rosman, Shaul Stampfer and Theodor Weeks for reading earlier drafts olthis paper. The preliminary version ofthis paper was presented to the I 3th World
My manuscript submission East European Politics and Societies20191212 33901 ehnpy3
This article attempts to reify the vicissitudes of Ukrainian and Jewish political paradigms in the Time of a Ukrainian strive for an independent state in East Galicia, 1918-1923. The article analyzes geo-political realities as they were perceived by the Ukrainian and Jewish political establishments and public opinion. The course of analysis follows the line of existential borderline situations pertaining to each of the given community. These existential situations overall relate to the call of choice with regard to political and military alliances, electoral support and acceptance or unacceptance of the governing power (Poland). In conceptual terms the article elicits paradigms of mutual Ukrainian and Jewish mistrust, lack of compassion and often implementations of typical but not reflective clichés. Proclamation of West Ukrainian National Republic, the Battle for Lviv in November 1918, the course of Polish-Ukrainian War in 1918, 1919, the electoral campaign of 1922 for Polish Parliament (Sejm) and the corresponding mutual reflections, all in all comprise the contextual background, presented in this article. The article draws on the periodical of the Time, personal statements and memoirs and on the interwar monographs and collective works with regard to the Ukrainian, Jewish and Polish mutual vexations. Modern secondary literature on the subject has also been taken into consideration. Abstract This article attempts to reify the vicissitudes of Ukrainian and Jewish political paradigms in the Time of a Ukrainian strive for an independent state in East Galicia, 1918-1923. The article analyzes geo-political realities as they were perceived by the Ukrainian and Jewish political establishments and public opinion. The course of analysis follows the line of existential borderline situations pertaining to each of the given community. These existential situations overall relate to the call of choice with regard to political and military alliances, electoral support and acceptance or unacceptance of the governing power (Poland). In conceptual terms the article elicits paradigms of mutual Ukrainian and Jewish mistrust, lack of compassion and often implementations of typical but not reflective clichés. Proclamation of West Ukrainian National Republic, the Battle for Lviv in November 1918, the course of Polish-Ukrainian War in 1918, 1919, the electoral campaign of 1922 for Polish Parliament (Sejm) and the corresponding mutual reflections, all in all comprise the contextual background, presented in this article. The article draws on the periodical of the Time, personal statements and memoirs and on the interwar monographs and collective works with regard to the Ukrainian, Jewish and Polish mutual vexations. Modern secondary literature on the subject has also been taken into consideration.
The goal of this paper is to briefly describe the relationship of the Croatian and Yugoslav revolutionary and political leader Josip Broz Tito (1892.-1980.) with the Polish people from the beginning of World War I to his death based on works and sources cited. The relationship can be traced primarily in two phases. In the first, Tito comes in contact with the Polish within the Communist Party of Poland (CPP) and the Comintern with the goal of a revolutionary transformation of Europe and the world. That was mostly an illegal thing and it is also how Tito established closer relations with Josip Čižinsky (Milan Gorkić), the Czech-Poland revolutionary and, for a time, the leader of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. Apart from Čižinsky, Tito was briefly connected with the Polish Communist of Jewish origins, Henryk Walecki. He was a high-ranking officer of the Comintern and their relations are still insufficiently researched. After World War II, Tito led the diplomatic activity and foreign policy between the communist Yugoslavia and Poland. The relations were highly complex at that time. The reason for that is the fact that Poland was part of the eastern block i.e. the Russian zone of interest. Among the remaining Polish communist leaders, Tito had the most complex relationship with Vladislav Gomulka, a man who strived to become the “Polish Tito” but the reality of forces did not allow for such ambitions
Pragmatic allegiance: The conversion case of the political agent Michał Czajkowski
In: Becoming Ottoman: Converts, Renegades and Competing Loyalties in the Early Modern and Modern Ages. Eds. Koese, Y., Kucera, P., Volker, T. I.B. Tauris: London, pp. 159–180, 2024
This chapter traces the period of Czajkowski’s political and ideological evolution and activities in the Ottoman Empire from the start of the 1840s, when he was sent to Istanbul, until his Ottomanization in 1850. The events are set in the context of the international confrontations and Polish émigré actions taking place in the European part of the Ottoman Empire. The main part of the text traces the circumstances and the reasons that led to the conversion of Czajkowski, who was a very popular figure in emigration circles. These processes are examined beyond some of the romantic notions imposed by previous researchers. Although Czajkowski underwent a second conversion towards the end of his life (back to Christianity, but this time to Orthodoxy), his first conversion to Islam was the most important and central to his life. This chapter will show how a Slavophile Pole could become a Polonophile Turk. It will show how, in the mid-nineteenth century, close contact with Ottoman officials could lead to integration into the Ottoman political elite; how, against the backdrop of the refugee crisis, the Polish national movement, France and the Ottoman government were realigning their political visions; and how the conversion of a Polish émigré agent in Istanbul was to play a crucial role in all of this.
From the history of safavid-poland relations in the fi rst half of the 17th century
Studia Wschodnioeuropejskie, №28, Azerbaijan, its impact on Europe’s energy security and relations with Poland - yesterday and today, Warszawa: 2023, 2023
Streszczenie Należy zauważyć, że chociaż Szach Abbas i nawiązał stosunki dyplomatyczne z papiestwem, Świętym Cesarstwem Rzymskim, Moskwą, Wenecją, Anglią i wieloma innymi państwami Chrześcijańskimi, od czasu wymiany ambasadorów między Uzun Hassanem (1453-1478) i Kazimierzem Jagiellończykiem (1440-1492) w 1471 roku, królom polskim i szachom Safawidzkim nie udało się dokonać wymiany ambasadorów. Niemniej jednak Szach Abbas i pod koniec XVI wieku podjął ważną inicjatywę nawiązania stosunków dyplomatycznych z Polską. Tak więc, pomimo faktu, że w 1599 roku jego delegacja “Wielkiej Ambasady”, wysłana przez chrześcijańskich władców Europy pod przewodnictwem Huseynali-bek Bayat, musiała przejść przez Moskwę do pałacu cesarza Świętego Cesarstwa Rzymskiego. Pomimo otrzymania od Szacha instrukcji spotkania się po drodze z królem Zygmuntem III, przekazania mu listu i darów, Moskiewski Car Borys Godunow siłą zmienił kierunek ambasadorów Safawidów, aby delegacja nie mogła udać się do Warszawy. Król Zygmunt III Wazy (1587-1632), zwolennik Habsburgów, w nadziei na zepsucie stosunków Safawidzko-moskiewskich i przywrócenie dialogu z potencjalnym sojusznikiem przeciwko Turkom, w 1601 roku mianował Safara Muratowicza specjalnym wysłannikiem Królewskim do Pałacu Safawidów. Wizyta Safara Muratowicza doprowadziła do nawiązania safawidzko-polskich stosunków dyplomatycznych, ich dalszego rozwoju pod rządami Szacha Abbasa i i jego następców (Szacha Safi ego i Szacha Abbasa II). W tym artykule chcemy rzucić światło na interakcję Państwa Safawidzkiego z Polską w tym szczególnym okresie. Słowa kluczowe: Państwo Safawidów, Szach Abbas I, Polska, król Zygmunt III, Szach Sefi , Szach Abbas II
This article analyzes a conflict between the imam of Akmolinsk's Second Congregational Mosque Hujjat Mahmudov and the Tatar merchant Nur-Muhammad Zabirov. The conflict took place in 1912-1913, and attracted the attention of the public at large, editorial boards of Muslim newspapers, and the Russian colonial administration. The depictions of the conflict were contradictory and depended on who was telling the story: the immediate participants, residents of Akmolinsk, or external observers. When the imam accused the Tatar merchant of ignorance and a grossly over-extravagant lifestyle, the merchant's defenders immediately accused the imam of spreading forbidden innovations and selling banned literature, i.e., the works by the Kazakh writer Mir-Zhaqïp Dulatov and the editor of the newspaper Waqït, Fatih Karimi. These works were regarded by imperial officials as politically dangerous on account of containing false information about the Romanov Dynasty, as well as Pan-Turkic and Pan-Islamic ideas. At first glance, the Akmolinsk story appears to illustrate how Muslims themselves made use of the imperial discourse about the threat of jadidism and Pan-Islamism to eliminate their enemies; but it also exhibits a series of distinct peculiarities. My aim is to show that it is not so much the conflict as such that is important, but rather the context in which it arose. A careful study of this context allows us to understand the principles by which the local society functioned. Focusing on specific representations of the conflict (newspaper accounts, the point of view of imperial bureaucrats, the petitions of the immediate participants), we ignore the epistemic value of other sources -for example, the opinions of local Muslims who do not necessarily describe what happened through the prism of fundamental contradictions and imply, among other things, the confrontation between so-called reformers and traditionalists. The Muslims of Akmolinsk, like those of other regions of the Russian Empire, were aware of the nature of external threats and challenges; however, they could also perceive them based on their own rationality as expressed in their prevailing cultural and everyday life. In some cases, that rationality was draped in pragmatism; in others, it stemmed from an attempt to protect cultural self-sufficiency -that is, a specific world of ideas and values; in yet others, it was justified by the need to carry out those small reforms and changes that could fit organically into the customary course of things.
2014
The criterion for the selection of personages to be described in this paper is far from the political one. It is rather the common experience of all of these figures which went beyond the boundaries caused by age, social and national status, religion, and sex. They found themselves in Turkey because of a variety of reasons. Their biographies abound in not only bizarre adventures but also in the cross points of Polish and Turkish cultures and histories. Their contributions to the development of Turkish culture and state ideas has already been analyzed but the social and cultural dimension of these émigrés’ presence in the Ottoman Empire has still some points to be researched. This perspective of life of Europeans in the East in the past is extremely different from that of contemporary multicultural societies. This approach is an attempt to somehow recreate the personal microstories based on the archival and dairies’ material that can be integrated into the existing patriotic and historical discourses.
CIEES, 21-23 September 2018 (Congress of International Eastern European Studies), Concepts, Sources and Methodology in Eastern European Studies, 2018
Prime Ministry Ottoman Archives contains the chief documents for the researchers of Ottoman history. However it is important to note that there is a fog created by official policy of the state. This fog might influence the official records of the Ottoman Empire. Because of this fog many specific matters are not completely evaluated or sometimes researchers are misled. In this case it becomes inevitable to examine the archives of other states for source critique, comparison of data and complete the defections of both archives. Two events from Ottoman-Dubrovnik relations are appropriate for study. First one is related with a problem of Dubrovnik merchants that was caused by Vacu nâzır (tax-farmer) who is under control of the governor of Buda. Firstly, data which is gathered Ottoman Archives will be dealt with the documents which are taken from Dubrovnik State Archive. Second exemplary event contains the problems which was caused by the Ottoman country officers accusation of Dubrovnik diplomats as spies. Approach of the Ottoman Government will be dealt in scope of the firmans which were sent by the Ottoman authority and background of the question will be dealt with the Dubrovnik sources. This two exemplary events will be dealt with the methods of comparison critic of evaluation. Thereby two historical events which are the subject of this study by characterizing these matters.
2022
József Száll was one of Hungary's most influential diplomats in the post-World War II socialist regime, holding a number of important foreign affairs posts. His name is best known for his tenure as ambassador to Rome, after which he defected and never returned to his country. In the present study, the author, after providing some historical background, outlines the diplomat's career, his way of thinking, his personality and his network of contacts, which will help the reader to understand why a politically committed left-winger, respected by the regime, could join an Italian Masonic lodge with right-wing ties
At the turn of the twentieth century most Polish political activists dreamed of recreating the Polish state, although they disagreed about where the new Poland should be located and whom it should include. In the years before 1905 the National Democratic movement-the "Endecja," as it was commonly called-envisioned an expansive Poland stretching from the Baltic to the Black Sea, and from the Dnieper to the Oder. How could a movement which came to be known for its pragmatism and tactical flexibility espouse such an unrealistic, if not absurd, ambition? How could nationalists who insisted upon cultural unity desire a nation which would include millions who neither spoke the Polish language nor considered themselves to be Poles? This article will argue that these questions can be illuminated by examining the Endecja's definition of that enigmatic Polish term, narod (nation).