The Deployment of Turkish Power in the Balkans (original) (raw)
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Is Turkey a Rival to the European Union? Neo- Ottoman Influence in the Balkans
Claremont-UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union, 2019
Turkey, under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s presidency, has begun to re-animate some aspects of its predecessor, the Ottoman Empire. Many observers of Turkey speak of “Neo- Ottomanism,” both at home and in its foreign policy. With respect to the latter, aspects of neo-Ottomanism are very evident with Turkey’s engagement in the Balkans. As European Union (EU) accession seems more and more unlikely for Turkey, one might wonder if Turkish actions in the Balkans can be seen as trying to rival the EU for influence. This pa- per thus seeks to answer two questions. First, what factors are motivating Turkish foreign policy, and does Turkey’s neo-Ottoman influence in the Balkans make it a competitor or a partner to the EU? This paper will look at Turkish policies in the Balkan region, focusing particularly on Bosnia and Moldova, and analyze whether its growing influence is making it a competitor to the EU.
OTTOMANS, TURKS AND THE BALKANS: Empire Lost, Relations Altered, by Ebru Bayar
In 1913 the Ottoman empire lost its soul, or that at least was how many felt. The Balkans, symbolising far more than territory, was at the very heart of what made the empire. Its loss plunged the Ottoman intellectual elite into a search for what had gone, and drew the Ottomans into a complex of sensations, shame, grief, anger and a questioning about their own identity. Beaten by their own subjects, their great empire brought down by ‘former shepherds and servants,’2 the Ottomans felt an overwhelming sadness for the alienation of a land that had been theirs for centuries and regret for the blood which they had pointlessly shed for it. The trauma of the loss of the Balkans was shattering for the Ottomans and its reverberations were felt in the early Republic and beyond. It coloured the mind-set of the new Turkish elite and shaped their way of thinking about their neighbours, about Europe and about themselves. However much political relations with their Balkan neighbours might be good, the edge of bitterness and anger remained, and surfaced whenever a conflict appeared. Balkan nationalism does not resemble the
Nationalist Movements in the Balkans and Ottoman Government
The 19 th century was a century where the Balkans were reshaping by ideological and cultural polarisation. Until this century, the Ottoman Empire have maintained its multireligious, multilingual and multicultural structure without a problem. However in this century, the nationalist uprisings have caused a change in the Empire's borders, leading to a Balkan region where Ottoman Empire has almost no presence. Notions that came with the French revolution such as freedom, motherland, nation and the policies of major European states have also affected the separation process. It would be possible to divide Ottoman foreign policy at the time into three eras. The first era is the time until 1865 was the time where the Empire was no longer unrivalled. The second era until 1878, was the era where the Empire guaranteed its territorial integrity and independence via Paris Peace Treaty in 1856. And finally the third era between 1878 and 1908 mainly focused on the balance policies to preserve its territorial integrity. In this era where the Empire was unsettled and vulnerable against interference the policies were based on integrity of the state. Ottoman state governors have tried to attune to the European system which was formed by 1815 Vienna Congress. They have seen internal and external administration as a whole and seeked for a new political culture and identity that can coexist with traditional and western values. They have tried activating the connective power of religion and use religion as a common bonding factor against attacks from Europe. As an external policy, a balance policy that works with the rising powers of the era and makes use of the adverse interests masterfully was being followed. After the 1877-1878 Ottoman Russian War, as a result of the immigration policies, the situation of the Muslim community was a determinant in the formation of new policies. Railways were used both as a tool of development and external policy. While keeping diplomacy in the foreground, blocks, polarisation and wars were avoided. These policies were not enough to save the state, however extended the life of it. This study primarily puts emphasis on notions related to nationalism. Furthermore it aims to explore the Balkan nationalism, which led to the end of the Ottoman Empire and characteristics of the Ottoman state policies at the time.
The purpose of this paper is to provide an analysis of the current role of Turkey in South Eastern Europe by stressing the ongoing socio-cultural dynamics in the area. By this point of view the essay is focused on the Turkish rapprochement to the Western Balkans, former territory of the Ottoman Empire in which the orientalist fascination is still very fertile and gradually more evident in some features of the popular culture. The Turkish re-engagement in the Balkans constitutes a pillar of the Ankara’s new regional policy launched in the 1990s by Premier Erdogan, who encouraged focused economic ties and implemented the strategic use of soft power. The successful return of Turkey’s influence in the area, favored by a common historical and cultural legacy, may reorient the regional policies in the South Eastern Europe, weakening the European integration process and promoting Ankara as the main interlocutor for the Western Balkans.
Historein, v. 19, n. 1, June 2020. ISSN 2241-2816., 2020