Pronominal state in colloquial arabic : a diachronic attempt (original) (raw)

The form of Semitic noun phrases

Lingua, 2004

I propose a phrasal-movement analysis of word order in Hebrew and Arabic noun phrases. I argue that the positioning of nominal modifiers with respect to the head of simple nouns cannot be adequately handled by an N-raising derivation. This is so because nouns fail to move as heads in the grammars of Hebrew and Arabic. The only heads that seem to be able to move are those which do not assign genitive case. When modifiers (adjectives, numerals, demonstratives, etc.) appear to the right of the noun, it is the noun phrase itself which has raised to the left of the modifier, moving from specifier to specifier and pied piping all the material on its right. In this manner, inverse or mirror image ordering of post-nominal material is accounted for.

THE ARABIC MORPHOLOGY THE NOUN AND ITS SYNTAGMS MORPHOLOGIES

This paper is concerned with Arabic morphology and concerns certain grammatical and vocalic aspects of the nominal morphemes, which can produce semantic aspects. The nominal morphology is approached by means of its lexical and syntactic forms. This subject is vast due to morphological affixations; however, this study is limited. The nominal (and verbal) syntagms need an accurate segmentation; some morphemes (prepositional) can be affixed to nouns or verbs that can give wrong lexical identifications. Arabic names are modeled on nominal paradigms. These paradigms were modeled by the first lexicologists and lexicographers on the names of the Arabic of their time (second centaury of Hegira/eighth century of Christianity.) The production of certain new names is due to derivation; the added morphemes, to the basic paradigm, give certain new semes and thus some new literal senses become applied to the new names. The grapheme is the first element of the identification; it must be succeeded by the morpheme, which can be a lexeme or a grammeme. The three elements are identified, so the word thus identified.

The formation of deverbal nouns in Arabic draft

2007

Arabic morphology includes a nominal form, traditionally called mas . dar, whose meaning and form is related to that of a verb. The form relation, although clearly visible, is complex, the meaning relation is straightforward: the masdar is a complex event nominal, in terms of , and names the action expressed by the verb, retaining the verb's argument and event structure. 1 The masdar has been analysed among others by Fassi Fehri (1993) and Kremers , who both base themselves on Abney's (1987) analysis of English gerunds. These analyses are purely syntactic, however. Neither discusses how the morphology of these forms functions, the tacit assumption being that the masdar form is derived by some post-lexical process that does not play a role in syntax.

On Semitic Denominal Verbs: The case of Arabic and Hebrew

Journal of King Saud University , 2005

I argue that the noun in denominative verbs in Arabic and Hebrew is a lexical indivisible part of the verb. Evidence for the lexical analysis of denominal verbs is based on lexical, semantic, and syntactic arguments. I argue that, unlike the lexical analysis, Baker's syntactic analysis of denominative verbs fails to account for the lexical properties of denominative verbs particularly the lack of referential index of the noun and the non-ambiguity of these verbs with adverbs. Furthermore the dual projection of a verb and a noun in syntax as assumed by the syntactic analysis violates syntactic principles.

Definiteness spreading in the Hebrew construct state

Lingua, 2008

The Construct State (CS) in Modern Hebrew displays a phenomenon known as \textsc{Definiteness Spreading} (DS), often characterized as having the definiteness value of the CS determined by that of its embedded genitive phrase. This is shown to be an oversimplification: semantically, DS gives rise to no less than four different interpretation patterns in definite-marked CSs. We examine the implications of these semantic facts for a Minimalist analysis of DS in terms of the operation Agree. It is argued that the formulation of Agree given in Chomsky (2000, 2001) does not provide the tools needed to account for these facts. A further problem for a syntactic analysis based on Agree is posed by the structural configuration found with adjectival CS modifiers, where agreement takes place despite the lack of the c-command relation required by Agree. This paper argues that both problems can be solved by viewing the Agree operation as a feature sharing operation, as proposed independently by several authors. Using this approach, all four semantic patterns can be derived using an independently motivated hypothesis regarding the interpretation of features at the syntax-semantics interface.

TOWARDS A MORPHOLOGICAL THEORY: THE CASE OF ARABIC BROKEN AND SOUND PLURALS

Journal of Arts, King Saud University, 2014

The paper discusses the Arabic Broken plural and the Sound plural (BP and SP henceforth) as two instances of two distinct morphological processes involving different characteristics and mechanisms. I propose an analysis based on how morphology operates in the lexicon and the syntax and provide data from Arabic and Hebrew. I argue that the BP is derived lexically as one atomic complex word while the SP involves a two-unit merger deriving a non-atomic word in the syntax. Evidence follows from the lexical access, morphological productivity, semantic distinctions of number and the lexical representation of BP and SP. Atomicity plays a crucial role in the distinction of morphology in the lexicon and the syntax not just in Arabic morphology but also cross-linguistically as illustrated by the Hebrew diminutives which add further evidence to the effect of atomicity in the morphological analysis of words.

Hebrew Construct Nominals

treats the construct state nominals of Hebrew and other Semitic languages in terms of three autonomous components of grammar, syntax, semantics, and morphology. The aim is to show that the intricate and somewhat surprising properties of such forms that have engendered quite elaborate suggestions within transformational grammar fall out as interactions of three simple and almost unavoidable statements concerning independent properties in the three aforementioned dimensions. Some comparison is also made with the genitive construction of Welsh (and other Celtic languages), where similarities and dissimilarities with the construct state are traced to differences in whether the form is to be analyzed simultaneously in all three dimensions as I suggest for Semitic, or whether it deserves analysis on only two of these levels of linguistic description.