Cyberactivism: A generational comparison of digital activism (original) (raw)
Related papers
The Net Generation’s Perceptions of Digital Activism
Digital activism has become an increasingly researched phenomenon as instances of online activism campaigns have become more numerous over the past decade. It refers to the efforts made on digital media to raise awareness for and make a difference to causes using methods outside of traditional activism, such as social media and online petitions. The Net Generation, people born between 1982 and 2003 who have grown up with technology and the internet, have been shown to be the ones that tend to take part in digital activism. However, digital activism and the Net Generation had not been studied together previously. This research aimed to fill this gap in literature by finding the perceptions of the Net Generation of digital activism. The strategy of the research was to use a survey with a cross sectional timeframe. The sample selected was students of the University of Cape Town. Data was collected by sending an online survey to the student body of UCT over the course of 5 days, with questions made to determine if they fit the characteristics of the Net Generation found in literature. They were also asked questions about their opinions of the specifics of digital activism and their reactions to seeing it on their social networks. The findings from the data collected showed that members of the Net Generation perceive digital activism to be effective in raising mass awareness and that they are generally inclined to participate in slacktivism if they deem the cause worthy. Most believe that people participate in online campaigns to help raise awareness as well as for selfish reasons, such as appearing as a good person. The Net Generation pays attention to digital activism and takes interest in the issues raised by online campaigns. Overall they believe that digital activism can make a difference and that the internet and social media are vital to the success of activism campaigns.
Cyberactivism and Real-World Activism: Why Are Users Different
Cyberactivism, as civic engagement, is enabled by social media, and has attracted many users to participate in leading social change. To shed more light on the relationship between cyberactivism and real-world (social) activism, within a quantitative approach, employing correlational research design, and a group comparison research design, the current research examined two linear regression models for the relationships among online sharing, homophily, attitudinal influenceability, and behavioral influenceability, and also, among behavioral influenceability, cyberactivism and social activism, and then examined the effects of sociodemographic characteristics of Iranian Instagram users on these variables in a 393-participant sample. The alternative hypotheses about the relationships among the variables in these two models, were retained. The results also showed that age, gender, and occupational status had effects on almost all variables. This study contributes to the existing literature by introducing attitudinal and behavioral influenceability as important factors influencing cyberactivism and social activism. It encourages governments to take full advantage of online activities and cyberactivism to promote social participation and real-world activism, especially among youth and females, to transcend society, and better solve societal and global problems with the collective wisdom.
Youth Digital Activism (UN World Youth Report)
United Nations World Youth Report, 2016
The terms “civic engagement” and “activism” traditionally evoke images of voting and volunteering for campaigns or marching in the streets, banners hoisted high. While these are still fixtures of political participation, a broader set of practices enabled by digital technologies is being created and applied by young people. Cathy J. Cohen, Joseph Kahne and others call this broader set of practices “participatory politics”, defined as “interactive, peer-based acts through which individuals and groups seek to exert both voice and influence on issues of public concern”. They emphasize that “these acts are not guided by deference to elites or formal institutions”. This is part of a larger trend of youth avowing low confidence in national decision-making bodies and disaffection with elected officials and their ability to address issues. The biannual Harvard Institute of Politics poll indicated consistently declining levels of trust in government institutions among 18- to 29-year-old Americans between 2010 and 2015. According to a 2013 LSE Enterprise study, when European 16- to 26-year olds reflect on voting and institutional politics, they find “the political ‘offer’ does not match their concerns, ideas, and ideal of democratic politics”. At the same time, there are high levels of youth participation in issue-oriented activism, boycotting and buycotting, and protest activities. W. Lance Bennett refers to this new generation of young people as “actualizing citizens”, “who favour loosely networked activism to address issues that reflect personal values”, in contrast with “dutiful citizens”, who maintain a more collective and government-centred set of practices. Similarly, Cohen and Kahne found that interest-driven participation was a strong predictor of engagement in participatory politics among American youth. If one thing defines this era of youth digital activism, it is the ability to make and widely share media. It is possible for “widely distributed, loosely connected individuals” to work together to solve a problem or create something new—a practice called crowdsourcing or peer production—because the costs of building loose networks of contributors and disseminating information digitally are nearly zero. When people make their own media they can assert power by framing issues in ways that compel others to change their minds or to adapt to new realities and perspectives. This form of “media activism” is not a new theory of change in itself; however, its practice is being transformed by the use of digital technologies for coordination and amplification. Agenda-setting power is shifting to a broader set of political actors with the necessary tools, savvy and timing. Mobile computing, in particular, is allowing a new generation of citizens to access the Internet and enjoy lowered coordination costs. In Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States, 9 in 10 Millennials have a smartphone and spend 50-100 per cent more time on their mobile device than on a desktop computer. Affordable wireless Internet access and mobile phone ownership around the world constitute the most potent force for expanding the pool and potential of young digital activists. However, the young people best poised to transform the practice of democracy around the world are those who not only create media but also build the tools and platforms through which they are made, shared and organized. Lilly Irani calls this new movement of civic hacking and cultural remaking “entrepreneurial citizenship”. This represents a small but powerful cohort that is taking its cues for solving the world’s problems from Silicon Valley and identifying primarily as social entrepreneurs and designers and secondarily as political or as activists. These new forms of digital activism are not without problems and controversy. Many youth are still excluded from civic and political participation. That is why it is important to comprehend the wide range of contemporary tactics, tools, and trends and the unique challenges youth digital activists face in connection with current laws, norms, market forces and educational practices. The current thought piece outlines those trends and challenges but also highlights relevant opportunities and offers recommendations for supporting youth digital activism.
Intergenerational Digital and Democratic Divide
9th International Conference on Information and Education Technology, 2021
Social and political activism is one of the pillars of a country's political culture and democratic health. The latest wave of the World Values Survey with a sample of 67,267 respondents in 46 countries, collects two sets of questions on unconventional political actions face-to-face and digitally. A typology of activism and two scales of face-to-face and digital activism (FUPAS and DUPAS) have been obtained. A democratic gap is found between those who participate and those who do not, and another digital gap between those who participate face-to-face and digitally. Its impact has been evaluated by age, more active and more digital young people, and by country, the most active and digital developed countries. Educating for digital citizenship becomes a priority to overcome the divides and improve democratic health.
Experiences of Youth Digital Activists Online
2019
Digital activism is the practice of political and social campaigning in digital infrastructures. Along with technology, social media platforms have been of help in forwarding the advocacies of digital activists because of its ability to increase the speed, reach, and effectivity of communication and mobilization. In this paper, the researchers investigated the experiences of youth digital activists, as well as how they perceived the effectivity of these social media platforms in contributing to real-life change. In this qualitative study following a descriptive research design, all responses from the interviews were transcribed and analyzed through a thematic analysis. The researchers were able to answer these questions by conducting interviews with eight chosen participants who fit the qualifications for the study. They were able to form a total of twelve (12) themes to answer the question of what the youth digital activists' experiences and perceptions are. Results suggest that the youth digital activists have distinct and similar experiences to one another regarding digital activism and their perception of how effective online platforms are in implementing real change, such as posting content to forward their advocacies and receiving online interactions, and the belief in online platforms' ability reach a wider audience conveniently. However, the respondents' perceived effectivity of digital activism is insufficient in terms of contributing to real-life change. For them, digital activism should be accompanied by off-ground activism in order to bring real-life change.
2009 Digital Activism Survey Report
KEY FINDINGS Age: Of the survey’s 122 respondents, 28% were between the ages of 26 and 30, with 10% above age 50 and only 2% below the age of 20. The low activism rates of these young “digital natives” may be explained by political apathy and entertainment preferences online. Gender: Outside North America, male respondents outnumbered female respondents by a margin of 7 to 3. If this gap holds true for digital activists in general, this further challenges the gender-neutral identity of technology. Geography: Geographic representation was largely consistent with global Internet access but should not be used as representative of the true distribution of digital activists around the world. Economics: Digital activists, particularly in developing countries, are much more likely than the population at large to pay a monthly subscription fee to have Internet at home, to be able to afford a high-speed connection, and to work in a white-collar job where Internet is also available. In short, digital activists are likely to be prosperous. Access: Intensity of use, rather than simple access, is critical as to whether or not a person is a digital activist. This high use is only possible for people with the ability to pay for it. The Internet may be democratizing, but its effects are felt most strongly in the global middle class. Mobiles: Respondents with more features on their mobile phone - such as Internet, video, and GPS - are more likely to use their phones for activism. This is another indicator of the importance of financial resources for digital activists, both quantitatively, in terms of greater technology access, and qualitatively, in terms of better (mobile) hardware. Causes: Across regions, “rights” emerged as the most popular cause, with 21 different types identified by respondents. Broadcast: The plurality of respondents (37%) believe digital technology’s greatest value for activism is one-way communication. What makes social media useful for digital activism may not be its interactivity but rather the fact that these technologies collapse the barrier to broadcast. Platforms: Social networks are the most common “gateway drug” into digital activism. Design: None of most popular activist tools – social networks, blogs, and email - were specifically made for activism. It is likely a combination of their open and agnostic architecture, as well as their high user base, that has made them popular with activists. Skills: Findings on technology and advocacy skills acquisition challenge the assumption that those who have a facility with technology are more likely to become digital activists and gives encouragement to programs that seek to teach technology skills to traditional activists. Offline: Older activists in the respondent group are most likely to use digital technology to increase the efficiency of offline activities, such as training and evidence collection, and less likely to participate in activities which have gained popularity because of the availability of online tools, such as posting original content on web sites.
Dual effects of the internet on political activism: Reinforcing and mobilizing
Government Information Quarterly, 2012
By analyzing the Citizenship Involvement Democracy survey conducted on American citizens, this paper investigates categorical and demographic disparities between online and offline political participants and examines the two-sided effects (reinforcing and mobilizing) of the internet on political participation. The analysis presents three main findings. First, those who participate in online political activity do not differ categorically from those who conduct their political activity offline. Second, cross-group differences in how actively individuals participate in political activity make little distinction between offline and online modes. There is a trade-off between the generational gap in online political activity and the racial gap in offline political activity, but the gap in political participation between the socioeconomically advantaged and their counterparts appears in both online and offline political activities. Finally, the internet plays a dual role in mobilizing political participation by people not normally politically involved, as well as reinforcing existing offline participation.
Digital Activism: a Hierarchy of Political Commitment
Political action has a long history. Information systems provide new affordances for political action that go well beyond sending an email to elected officials or " liking " a political Facebook page. Digital activism-political action enabled by Information Systems (IS)-not only provides citizens with enhanced opportunities for organization and communication, but also allows opportunities to take direct political action and create greater impact with fewer resources. This paper seeks to explore and build theory on the use and impact of digital activism by extending Milbrath's hierarchy of political participation to reflect digital activism. The paper contributes to both the IS and political science literature with a digital activism framework that builds on digital activism theory.
Social media choices and uses: comparing Turkish and American young-adults' social media activism
Advocates of new media—especially social networks, blogs, and photo/con-tent sharing sites—argue that these tools create transformative impacts on society. Recently, around the world younger activists in popular democracy movements, uprisings, and protests, feeling disengaged by traditional forms of political discourse, have debated their positions on new media, and have used digital media to communicate, organize, and coordinate protest activities. While some media scholars suggest this is an indication that young people are active in creating a public sphere constructed by social media, there is still little real-world evidence that the technological potentials are widely realized. To address this gap, this comparative case study aims to reveal how some " ordinary " young people are using social media in response to political issues, investigating: if social media create a new kind of dynamic arena for their public activism; which factors may stimulate the young to activism; and whether their motivation is powerful enough to resist the status quo. Describing and analyzing qualitative interview data from a study of Turkish students and a parallel collection of data from US students, we construct an explanation of their communicated understandings of their differences and similarities in opportunities for political actions. Our findings indicate: there are many similar technical capacities; some similar topics are seen as political; and there are different understandings of what is and is not for public discussion among their personal collections of contacts and friends, with varying levels of real-world connections. This analysis is important in terms of understanding the ways uses of media technologies may be affected by different cultures, political and social conceptualizations and online communication patterns.
Polish Sociological Review , 2014
In this study I explore the use (and the non-use) of ICTs in the broad survey on their use by modern social movements, providing data on the demographics of the movements and their activists worldwide, and on the use (and non-use) of the ICTs. Based on four online surveys (including international, local US and Polish), data on distribution of social movement organizations, age of organizations and activists, numbers of activists and supporters, and organization goals are presented. Analysis of the diffusion and use of specific new ICTs follows. The research questions revolve around the blurring boundaries between members and non-members (unofficial supporters and volunteers) and the specifics of the use of new media (by whom and for what) with particular focus on the importance of organizational and membership age. The findings with regards to the use of modern ICTs show the success (wide diffusion and estimates of empowerment) of email, static websites, phones and social networking, contrasted with the relatively poor performance of blogs, podcats and online petitions on the social movement scene.