Urban Studies 101: Urban Poverty and Affluence (original) (raw)
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American Journal of Sociology, 2001
In some inquiries, racism is a given, a fundamental assumption and fact that is known to shape economic and social and spatial inequalities. In such inquiries, from the empirical studies of W. E. B. Du Bois to the social thought of Patricia Williams, the world is believed to be racialized "always already": the task of the researcher, then, is to probe the roots of racism in particular cases, and to liberate (or compensate) the people who are oppressed by its institutional manifestations. Other inquiries-guided by a methodology of rational choice-do not assume racism to be a given. For example, in mainstream economics after Gary Becker, race is a possible "factor," one vector of a matrix, whose strength and direction of force on earnings or housing differences is to be examined in a regression equation once all other factors have been held constant. Indeed, some economists after Becker argue that racism cannot explain differences in earnings or in opportunities because if the marginal product of labor (or the bid on a house) of a person of color exceeds that of the white competition, the argument goes, then no profit-maximizing employer or seller would deny the offer of the person of color. And since all employers and households are assumed to be profit-maximizers, the color of one's skin will have no economic significance at all. If it were possible to bring together these two ways of thinking about race-the racialized "always already" and the rational choice-the authors could claim to unify styles of inquiry now widely and mutually seen to be either methodologically exclusive or scientifically retarded. Urban Inequality, the seventh volume in a series of books by the Russell Sage Foundation, does not achieve such unity. But the book is so directed (pp. 6, 10, 13)-it is a collection of articles by both mature and younger scholars (many of them women and men of color [p. 7]) and in ten different disciplines-and does achieve a good deal. The central purpose of the book is to explain "economic, spatial, and racial divisions" in four cities and to afford "a comprehensive and systematic look at the roots of inequality in labor markets, residential segregation, and racial attitudes" (p. 2). The eleven studies are based upon three sources of original survey data. The "Household Survey" (1992-1994) was administered in person to over 8,900 adults in Atlanta, Los Angeles, Boston, and Detroit. During the same period of time, 3,510 employers were interviewed by telephone, and then 365 managers at 174 of those firms were interviewed in person. The Household Survey oversampled low-income and impoverished households "to allow a detailed analysis of these groups" (p. 14). The surveys are not altogether current: Atlanta gained over 1.2 million people between interviews and date of publication. Still, these supply-and demandside data will be of value for years to come. "Stereotyping and Urban Inequality," by Lawrence C. Bobo and Michael P. Massagli, illustrates the richness of the data. They defend a pragmatic notion of stereotype developed in the 1920s by Walter Lippman, and substantiated by social psychologists: essentially, they argue that if people hold a stereotype then they will act as though they do (pp. 93, 95, 98). The data allow them "to compare out-group perceptions of non-Hispanic white and black respondents across the four cities" (p.
Inequalities and the City Gender, Ethnicity, and Class
Orum, Ruiz-Tagle, Vicari-Haddock (eds.) Companion to Urban and Regional Studies, Wiley-Blackwell, 2021
The question of urban inequalities relates to two interconnected processes of change. These involve: (i) the increase and transformation of inequalities on global and local scales and (ii) the urbanisation at a time when the majority of the world's population lives in cities and the growth of gigantic conurbations in both the Global North and South. Today, the traditional historical divide between urban and rural contexts is not so significant-also the case in the lesser developed countries and regions-with the social tensions produced by the new forms of inequalities being highly concentrated in the cities. Economic inequalities have been increasing, particularly in industrially advanced countries (Milanovic, 2016; OECD, 2015; Piketty, 2013), even if extreme poverty has decreased on a global scale, particularly in the newly developing countries of the Global South, due to the growth in industrialisation and urbanisation. As will be seen in this chapter, the decline of rural poverty in the Global South has been counterbalanced by the rise of social fragmentation and new forms of social exclusion and poverty in both the Global South and the Global North (Sassen, 2014). In this chapter, we focus on the transformations of the urban systems of inequalities produced by modernisation, industrialisation, and urbanisation in different urban contexts of the Global North and South. An urban system of inequalities is here understood as the different mix and level of gender, ethnicity, class, and demographic inequalities that characterise cities in different historical and development contexts. In the next section, we introduce the urban inequalities resulting from early industrialisation in the industrially developing countries with the growth of the new urban working class and the development of strong gender and ethnic divisions and
City Observatory, 2014
A close look at population change in our poorest urban neighborhoods over the past four decades shows that the concentration of poverty is growing and that gentrification is rare. While media attention often focuses on those few places that are witnessing a transformation, there are two more potent and less mentioned storylines. The first is the persistence of chronic poverty. Three-quarters of 1970 high-poverty urban neighborhoods in the U.S. are still poor today. The second is the spread of concentrated poverty: three times as many urban neighborhoods have poverty rates exceeding 30 percent as was true in 1970 and the number of poor people living in these neighborhoods has doubled. The result of these trends is that the poor in the nation’s metropolitan areas are increasingly segregated into neighborhoods of concentrated poverty. In 1970, 28 percent of the urban poor lived in a neighborhood with a poverty rate of 30 percent or more; by 2010, 39 percent of the urban poor lived in such high-poverty neighborhoods.
Urban Underclass: The Wayward Travels of a Chaotic Concept
Urban Geography, 2010
This commentary critically engages with arguments made by Loïc Wacquant in his book Urban Outcasts on the nature of public discourse regarding concentrated urban poverty in the United States. In particular, it elaborates a critical reading of the international circulation of social-scientific analyses of urban poverty-in particular the concept of the "urban underclass"which rose to prominence through research on Chicago neighborhoods. This concept has subsequently influenced scholarly and public policy approaches to characterizing and combating entrenched urban poverty and long-term unemployment in Europe, Asia, and elsewhere. I challenge the appropriateness of the concept as well as the direction of public policymaking that has downplayed, if not ignored, questions of job availability and job quality in urban areas.
City Divide. Fighting Urban Inequalities
2024
How can we overcome inequalities in our cities? In an era where urban inequalities seem inevitable, City Divide offers a critical and detailed perspective on the mechanisms that generate and perpetuate these disparities within urban contexts. The volume explores various forms of urban and spatial inequality in modern cities, demonstrating that these inequalities are not inevitable but can be mitigated through targeted political and structural interventions. Crucial topics such as the housing crisis, climate change, the well-being of new generations, gender equality, and civic action are analyzed to highlight the importance of integrated and participatory policies necessary to address contemporary urban challenges and build fairer, more sustainable, and inclusive cities. Through a series of essays curated by internationally renowned experts, the volume explores different types of urban-spatial inequalities, analyzing causes, effects, and possible solutions for a more equitable and sustainable future. This volume is for urban planners, sociologists, policymakers, and citizens who wish to understand and tackle the challenges of urban inequalities with the goal of building fairer and more livable cities for all. This publication is the result of the project “About a City. The city’s destiny” carried out in collaboration with the Polytechnic University of Milan and the European project Urbinat. With Chapters of Michael Storper, Marietta Haffner, Gonçalo Canto Moniz, Paul Lichterman, and many others
Race, Uneven Development and the Geography of Opportunity in Urban America
2000
David Rusk, former Mayor of Albuquerque, New Mexico, has observed that "bad neighborhoods defeat good programs". This paper identifies the underlying causes of bad neighbourhoods along with their costs to local residents and residents throughout the region. It is a critical essay that traces recent patterns of uneven metropolitan development, the social forces generating these patterns, their many costs and potential remedies. It demonstrates how the interrelated processes of sprawl, concentration of poverty and racial segregation shape the opportunity structure facing diverse segments of the nation's urban and metropolitan population. In so doing, it draws on recent scholarly literature from various disciplines, government data and documents, research institute reports and the mass media. Topics addressed include income and wealth disparities, employment opportunities, housing patterns, access to health care and exposure to crime. While recognising the role of individual choice and human capital, the paper focuses on public policy decisions and related private-sector activities in determining how place and race shape the opportunity structure of metropolitan areas. Finally, the paper explores various policy options to sever the linkages among place, race and privilege in the nation's urban communities.