Sanskrit dhīra-₂ ‘steady, brave, energetic’ (original) (raw)
Related papers
2020
M.A. Thesis in Indo-European linguistics, University of Helsinki, 15.12.2020. Original abstract is available in separate document. This is a revised version 0978 of the MA thesis document, uploaded on 8.2.2021 with the following major corrections: - IE root for ON dís changed to mirror full ablaut grade as recommended by the inspectors. - corrections and upgrade to the language and typos. - harmonization to the presentations of IE roots in the text. - an erroneous footnote with Gödecke's trl. to Völuspá 7 was corrected. - corrections to the *stél- derivations, as presented in chapter 4 and Appendix 2, to correspond with the dictionary entries *stḗlo- *stól-no- as given in §4.7.1. - minor additions and corrections to clarify the sections discussing agnícayana and pravárgya. - the extra spaces after diacritics and accents removed from reference texts (condensed MS Word text -> pdf processing error). There were still few in version 0977 --> corrected to v. 0978. - The notation error with second laryngeal and long accented ī́ and ā́ could not be fully erased from the document preview mode. ***Changes TBD: In addition, a requirement for a major revision to the Part I is acknowledged regarding the inference of ablaut rule for Ved. dhíṣṇya. The current inference under §1.4 is acknowledged as erroneous, (or at least incomplete), however I decided to keep it intact in the M.A. thesis, as a reminder. There are options to tackle the open issues which will be investigated separately in the PhD. thesis. The five most plausible inferences, and therefore likely to be included in the PhD, are listed below: 01) There are actually two nouns present in RV, dhíṣan and dhíṣ(a)ṇya, which have analogous declension with rā́jan, rā́janya. 02) There are only three nouns in RV that are affixed with -san i.e. dhíṣan, rā́jan (*h₃rḗǵ-ōn) and pū́ṣan (*péh₂us-ōn). The Skt. affix -san is recognized by Panini and defined as sanādyantā dhātavaḥ "to belong to dhātu" (A 1.3.1), for which Patañjali comments that "signifiers (vādi) of what comes into being (bhū) are called dhātu". In Balto-Slavic, the equivalent suffix *-snь < *-sni- is related to verbal nouns related exclusively to speaking or singing (Matasovic 2014:45 /§2.4.8). 03) Analogous declination between pū́ṣan and rā́jan was recognized and investigated by Oettinger 2000:397. Dhíṣan declines in the same manner: in the inventory that I run in Jan-Feb 2021, no forms emerged in RV, AV, that could _not_ be placed under the particular declension for rā́jan available f.ex in Macdonell VG§90. 04) The verbal noun/denominative dhíṣan (m.) is based on accented root dhí-s which represents reduced grade instead of full grade. The accented reduced grade had an impact to the unaccented -a-, on the second syllable, which manifests as /0 on the unaccented second syllable in the masculine form dhíṣ(a)ṇ-ya, yet appears as accented á in the feminine dhiṣáṇ-ā, where the accent has moved from the root to the second syllable. The vowel *n̥ > a on the second syllable thus becomes pronounced only when accented, namely in the feminine forms. 05) In addition, RV & AV display peculiar reduplicate forms in dual and plural, i.e. Pl. loc. didhiṣ-ú, didhiṣ<ú>vo; Du.nom. dídhiṣ-āṇā, gen. didhiṣ-ós, for which the declension is not corresponding with that of rā́jan - dhíṣan. Based on the context, the reduplicate forms could be explained out by declension of a personal name/family name Dídhis- instead of forms built on dhíṣan /dhíṣ(a)ṇ-ya.
Indo-European Linguistics, 2018
Although the morphological components of the Vedic noun dāśvā́ṃs are, from the Indo-European point of view, relatively transparent (root */dek̑-/ 'perceive' , perfect participle suffix */-u̯ós-/), the exact derivation of the form is disputed, insofar as its history is bound up with an understanding of Proto-Indo-European "long-vowel preterites" (Schumacher 2005, Jasanoff 2012). This article argues that a shallow synchronic derivation of dāśvā́ṃs -in Vedic Sanskrit encounters problems in both morphology and phonology that have been overlooked by proponents of such a derivation (Jasanoff 2012, LIV2: 110-111). The article then further proposes that a cognate of dāśvā́ṃs- is to be found in the isolated Homeric adjective, ἀδηκότες, previously without certain interpretation or etymology; here the gloss 'inattentive, oblivious, unheeding' is proposed. The etymological connection of dāśvā́ṃs -to Homeric (ἀ-)δηκότ(-ε/ας) thus supports the reconstruction of a Proto-(Nuclear)-Indo-European (PNIE) form *[dēk̑u̯ós-]; within the grammar of PNIE itself, such a form would be synchronically derived as a perfect participle /RED-dek̑-u̯ós-/, in which a "long-vowel" form surfaces in perfect stems whose zero-grade form is phonologically dispreferred and therefore repaired.
Rhotic degemination in Sanskrit and the etymology of Vedic ūrú- ‘thigh’, Hittite UZU(u)walla- ‘id.’
Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 171–202
This paper examines the absence of geminate -rr- in Sanskrit and argues that the synchronic ban on this sequence (evinced by the facts of the Vedic sandhi) results from continued high ranking of an Obligatory Contour Principle constraint against heteromorphemic geminates (inherited from PIE) combined with the substrate influence of Dravidian languages in which the rhotics are non-geminable. New -rr- sequences that arose in Proto-Indo-Iranian and Proto-Indo-Aryan from PIE *-LL- or *-LHL- after loss of the laryngeal and merger of *l with the rhotic were repaired through degemination. This hypothesis predicts a development of PIE *(-)CL̥HLV- to Sanskrit (-)Cī/ūrV- which has not been previously recognized in the treatments of Indic historical phonology. This development is arguably found in mūrá- ‘stupid’ < *mūrra- < *mr̥H-lo- (cf. Hitt. marlant- ‘stupid’), ūrú- ‘thigh’ < *u̯ūrru- < *(H)u̯l̥H-Lu- ← *(H)u̯l̥H-Lo- (cf. Hitt. walla- ‘thigh’), śīrá- ‘fervent’ < *śīrrá- < *k̑l̥H-Ló- (cf. śrā́ya- ‘be fervent’), and perhaps in several other examples.