Tom Bingham and the Transformation of the Law (original) (raw)

Abstract

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This collection of essays pays tribute to Lord Tom Bingham's extensive contributions to law and legal philosophy. The essays explore various themes including the rule of law, the independence of the judiciary, human rights, and the evolution of the UK constitution. Contributions range from analyses of Bingham's influence on domestic and international law to reflections on his legacy in promoting the principles of justice and equality.

The Politics of Judicial Independence in the UK's Changing Constitution

2015

Relations between Judges and Parliament In the years following the passing of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005, the relationship between Parliament and the judiciary has undergone a structural change. The removal of the UK's highest court of appeal from the House of Lords formally separated the judges from the legislature and this has inevitably changed the institutional architecture within which judges and parliamentarians interact. But the provisions of the Act do not tell the whole story of those changes, which did not begin and end in 2005. The removal of the Law lords was a critical moment, but practices shaping relations between Parliament and judges were changing before then, and have evolved since. In this chapter, we explore how both sides understand this changing relationship. Our focus is on the ways that Parliament acts both as a guardian of judicial independence and also offers new and constructive avenues of judicial accountability. The findings set out in this chapter counterbalance the tendency of lawyers and judges to focus on the high-profile but relatively rare occasions when politicians fail to respect judges and their decisions. There will always be tensions between Parliament and the courts. Recent years have provided a number of high-profile examples: sustained wrangling over the proper scope of judicial review in human rights and national security cases, the role of the European Court of Human Rights, and the boundaries of parliamentary privilege. Decisions by courts in relation to human rights and judicial review are often points of friction between judges and politicians, but this is not our focus here. We are interested

Judiciary Rising: Constitutional Change in the United Kingdom

Northwestern University law review

Britain is experiencing a period of dramatic change that challenges centuries-old understandings of British constitutionalism. In the past fifteen years, the British Parliament enacted a quasi-constitutional bill of rights; devolved legislative power to Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland; and created a new Supreme Court. British academics debate how each element of this transformation can be best understood: is it consistent with political constitutionalism and historic notions of parliamentary sovereignty, or does it usher in a new regime that places external, rule-of-law-based limits on Parliament? Much of this commentary examines these changes in a piecemeal fashion, failing to account for the systemic factors at play in the British system. This Article assesses the cumulative force of the many recent constitutional changes, shedding new light on the changing nature of the British constitution. Drawing on the U.S. literature on federalism and judicial power, the Article illumi...

The curious origins of judicial review

2017

This article tells the story of the birth of modern judicial review. In the conventional account, the judge-led development of judicial review is one of the great successes of the twentieth century common law: “the greatest achievement of my judicial lifetime”, as Lord Diplock famously put it. On this interpretation, from the mid-twentieth century onwards, the judiciary abandoned its earlier quiescence and, building on doctrines, approaches and remedies that had been used to control inferior tribunals since Victorian times, fashioned a new body of law capable of subordinating the administrative state to the rule of law. The modern law is thus seen as representing the same common law commitment to the rule of law seen in early cases such as Entick v Carrington and Cooper v Wandsworth. This article challenges this story of continuous unbroken development. On the face of it, the cases from Ridge to GCHQ did indeed draw on an older line of case law. Yet, as we demonstrate, the 1960s and...

The abolition or retention of the Privy Council as the final Court of Appeal for New Zealand: Conflict between national identity and legal pragmatism

New Zealand Universities Law Review, 2002

New Zealand currently retains the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council as its final court of appeal. The recent announcement by the Attorney-General of New Zealand of a five-judge Supreme Court to replace the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council represents the penultimate stage in removing the right of appeals to the Privy Council. This has been all but inevitable since the release by the Attorney-General of a discussion paper proposing the abolition of appeals to the Privy Council. This was motivated by a political desire to end appeals to a London-based tribunal. While Miss Wilson might like to have all-party political support for her measure, she did not receive whole-hearted support from the legal community - or from much of the business sector. Before abolition of the right of appeal to the Privy Council, the Government and the legal profession needed to be agreed about a court structure and exactly how it would work. Although Miss Wilson has stated that the legal profession has itself accepted the need for ending appeals, it is unlikely that this represents the real attitude of the legal profession, or the business community. This paper explores reasons for this. And in looking at arguments for and against the retention of appeal right we will see aspects of a conflict between political aspirations and legal and business pragmatism. The question of the degree to which a judiciary should be international or national, and the question of whose opinions should prevail, judges and lawyers, or politicians, is crucial, and goes far beyond simple questions of national identity.

Using American Jurisprudence to Resolve the British Separation of Powers Following the Human Rights Act 1998

Oregon Review of International Law, Vol. 5, 2003, 2003

This essay will argue that the constitution of the United Kingdom is converging with that of the United States and other countries in terms of judicial review and the separation of powers. This is due partly to waning deference to Parliament by the courts, but most significantly by the enactment of the Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA). When the new separation of powers in the U.K. is compared to that of the U.S., especially by applying judicial review reasoning, the change in the British Constitution by the HRA can more clearly be seen. Beginning in antiquity first, this essay will address the foundations of the political system in England, and discuss the early development of the idea of judicial review of parliamentary legislation. Several elements emerge from this historical inquiry: the nature of the unitary political system and the very political basis of the constitution. Then this essay will move to the U.S. where judicial review flowered, to examine Marbury v. Madison and develop the premises within that decision that allowed Chief Justice Marshall to conclude that the court had the power to strike legislation. The Marbury thesis is then coupled with the stare decisis of the common law to produce the judicial review as known in the U.S. Following this interpretation of Marbury and U.S. judicial review principles, this essay will describe the powers of judicial review in the U.K. before the HRA, and after. There will be a specific application of the judicial review reasoning developed in the U.S. to the situation in the U.K. under the HRA. Considering the political nature of the British constitution, this essay will argue that entrenchment of constitutional principles in the British constitution is possible. We will see that the HRA has formed a real possibility of the de facto judicial power to strike legislation. Therefore, in both in the U.S. and in the U.K., the need to have a "modern democratic nation" which balances democratic rule and constitutional principles has resulted in structural arrangements both political and legal, which give much of the ultimate constitutional authority to the judiciary.

Reconciling with the Past: John Willis and the Question of Judicial Review in Inter-War and Post-War England

University of Toronto Law Journal, 2005

AND THE QUESTION OFJUDICIAL REVIEW IN INTER-WAR AND POSTWAR ENGLAND' I Introduction: The 'problem of reconciling' John Willis's 1933 classic, The Parliamentary Powers of the English Government Departments, is essential reading to any historian interested in the debates over legislative delegation and administrative justice in inter-war England.' The book's immediate purpose was to respond to the assertions made by Lord Hewart, the Lord Chief Justice of England, in his notorious polemic, The New Despotism, published in 1929.2 Hewart argued, very much in a Diceyan vein, that the emergent administrative state was a perversion of the most venerable principles of the English constitution, notably parliamentary sovereignty and the 'Rule of Law' as enforced by the ordinary common law courts. Hewart asserted that, particularly during and after World War I, Parliament was using its undisputed sovereignty to make wholesale shifts of legislative authority outside the parliamentary realm and then, through a variety of statutory mechanisms, to deprive the ordinary courts of their rightful jurisdiction over the lawful exercise of that authority. The effect was to undermine the rule of law that had been a cornerstone of the English constitution since the seventeenth century. In Parliamentary Powers, Willis counters that the administrative state in England has a historical pedigree and underlying normative justification of its own, one very different from the Diceyan constitutionalism of Hewart. Administrative structures did not suddenly emerge during World War I or after; rather, they were the product of '[a] long period of imperceptible growth' in the nineteenth century, which was followed in the early twentieth century by 'a quickening to meet the needs of the new Social State' and then by 'a sudden flowering during the War, and after the War the full fruition.... ' 3 The method that Parliament 'invariably * Associate Professor of Law, University of Connecticut School of Law. t I want to thank all the participants of the Willis Conference at the University of Toronto Faculty of Law for two days of excellent discussion about the modern administrative stateits past, present, and future. It was a worthy tribute toJohn Willis.

To what extent are the courts successful in upholding the rule of law within the British Constitution?

The rule of law ‘remains contested across time and geography’ , so much so that it is, in some circles, held nothing more than ‘a bit of ruling class chatter’ or a ‘hurrah word’ . Nevertheless, in the British courts, it remains an invaluable legal tool with which to rectify the improprieties of the other constitutional foundation: the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. Despite the contested nature of the rule of law, it is obvious that the courts recognise a multifaceted version of the principle. There is further plausibility in asserting that they succeed in upholding this principle. However, on closer inspection and as this paper shall argue, the more compelling arguments are those which hold that, when success occurs, it is ultimately of little value; the courts are ultimately in service of Parliament and not the rule of law.

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THE COMPLEXITIES OF THE RULE OF LAW AS A CONCEPT IN MODERN BRITISH DEMOCRACY

This essay aims to explore the definition of what is meant by the term the ‘rule of law’. This will be achieved from looking at the three principles governing A.V. Dicey’s thoughts on the rule of law to how the rule of law as a concept stands today in modern thought. Also similarities between both Lord Bingham eight guides, and Joseph Raz’s eight postulates. We will briefly explore the contemporary complexity of executive discretion that may have escaped Dicey’s thinking as well as how British civil liberties has been codified and impacted by the Human Rights Act of 1998, and the fallout from joining the European Convention in 1972.

Justice & the Rule of Law as artefact: the Design of the UK Supreme Court

2017

THE RESEARCH PROBLEM The concept of justice is an integral part of every democratic society. What exactly it means in any age is always the subject of debate but there is no doubt that it exists. The aspiration to achieve justice is timeless, transcending history and national borders and acknowledged by some of the most influential texts in UK history: The Magna Carta, in 1215, The American Constitution in 1787, The Great Reform Act in 1867, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, The Human Rights Act in 1998. (1) The UKSC is the means by which this aspiration is secured: the bricks and mortar and golden robes, are all the physical manifestation of a national aspiration to be governed justly and in accordance with the rule of law. It is the highest point of arbitration between the individual and the state. Its rulings reflecting the constant tensions between competing interests, shaping the relationship between the state and those it seeks to govern. This Masters Study ex...

The Judiciary’s Self-Determination, the Common Law and Constitutional Change

European Public Law

The Brexit debate is often analysed from the perspective of politicians, and in particular their views on and understandings of European law and politics. In contrast, this article concentrates on identifying the views of the senior judiciary. To do so, it analyses five extra-judicial speeches made between October 2013 to February 2014, a period particularly fertile in cases in the UK’s top courts concerning the law of the European Union or the European Convention of Human Rights. In doing so the article charts the senior judiciary’s vision of Europe. More particularly, it highlights the judiciary’s strategies to limit the impact of both European treaties on the British constitution in what might be termed ‘a search for judicial self-determination’. In addition, the article argues that a new extra-judicial process of constitutional change might be emerging. Finally, it concludes on the advantages and drawbacks of such a process of change.

The Politics of Judicial Decision-Making in the UK's Top Court: Lessons from the Pinochet Case

UK Constitutional Law Association Blog, 2025

This post examines the judicial behaviour of the UK’s top court, specifically, how the judges who hear a case affect the outcome. It utilises the author’s research on the behind-the-scenes proceedings in the Pinochet case (1998-99) to address this question. Drawing largely on the author’s interviews with the Law Lords, carried out during and shortly after the case, it stresses the role of the judges’ personal values, ideologies and emotions, the culture and supervision of the court, and the interplay between law and politics in shaping the outcome of cases. It is argued that these findings have significant consequences for the ways in which we think about judicial authority, independence, bias, and accountability – that is, of what judges and courts should and can be. The post concludes that it is pertinent to ask whether the UK’s Supreme Court (which succeeded the Appellate Committee of the House of Lords as the UK’s final court of appeal) has responded sufficiently to the problems that arose in the Pinochet case? This material in this post is elaborated by the author in: “The Hidden Histories of the Pinochet Case”, Journal of Law and Society (2024) 51, 4, 459–490; “Meet the JLS author: The Hidden Histories of the Pinochet Case”. Blog post. Journal of Law and Society, January 20, 2025; and “Hidden Histories of the Pinochet Case” (Audio Recording of Lecture Delivered at the University of Cambridge, 3 December 2024) https://tinyurl.com/4mm8fabr

Judicial Power, the Judicial Power Project and the UK

2017

It is axiomatic that all power requires justification, and that is equally true for judicial power as for other species thereof. This article is primarily concerned with judicial power in the UK. The subject will be approached through consideration of the Judicial Power Project, which has been critical of the courts, much of this being sharp-edged, and fierce. There is repeated talk of judicial overreach and consequent legitimacy crisis, as the courts are said to encroach on terrain that is properly the preserve of the political branch of government. It is by the same token important that the critics are properly scrutinized. This is a fortiori so the more far-reaching the critique, especially when the project has a ‘political dimension’, informing governmental views about judicial power. The article begins by setting out the principal argument of the Judicial Power Project, henceforth JPP. It then assesses the JPP’s claims from four perspectives: individual cases, judicial review d...

In the name of parliamentary sovereignty: conflict between the UK Government and the courts over judicial deference in the case of prisoner voting rights

British Politics, 2019

New archival evidence reveals how UK governments, since the 1970s, have been concerned primarily with domestic courts encroaching on executive powers rather than those of the legislature. Alongside the Human Rights Act 1998, a mechanism of judicial 'deference' to Parliament evolved to justify courts deferring to an act of Parliament, or to decisions of the legislature, or executive. As this paper argues, failure to clarify which of these three is at play has served as a helpful vehicle for Governments to convey the powerful narrative of courts using human rights frameworks to usurp the democratic powers of Parliament as legislature at times of conflict between the courts and the executive. In the prisoner voting debate, actors thus successfully invoked 'parliamentary sovereignty' to generate an emotive narrative that the European Court of Human Rights was usurping the powers of 'Parliament' when instead the Court, supported by the UK legal community, was challenging the dangerous precedent set by the UK Divisional Court's deference, in 2001, to the executive. Interview data demonstrates how the 2011 backbench parliamentary debate to flout Strasbourg's judgments was largely manufactured to curtail the ECHR mechanism which empowers domestic courts to effectively hold the government to account.