Who Sees Corruption? The Bases of Mass Perceptions of Political Corruption in Latin America (original) (raw)
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Corruption in Latin America: Understanding the Perception-Exposure Gap
Journal of Politics in Latin America, 2012
What beliefs do citizens who perceive levels of corruption in their countries to be of significance hold? Do those beliefs arise from their exposure to corruption? Furthermore, do perceptual and experiential corruption decrease the reservoir of legitimacy of a democratic regime? We attempt to answer these questions using the 2012 Americas Barometer survey of 24 Latin American countries. We find that whereas “rational-choice corruptors,” males and, to a lesser extent, individuals with resources are particularly exposed to corruption, perceived corruption originates from a sense of impunity derived from a negative evaluation of the state's ability to curb corruption. In addition, we show that perceived corruption significantly decreases citizen satisfaction with democracy, but exposure to corruption does not. All in all, the policy implications of our study are straightforward: having an efficient and trusted judiciary is central to curbing both experiential and perceived corrupti...
Corrupted Perceptions: The Effect of Corruption on Political Support in Latin American Democracies
2003
The extent to which corruption may affect the functioning and prospects of new democracies is a question that has begun to attract scholarly attention. In contrast with the traditional view that stressed the "functional" character of political corruption for the political regimes of the developing world, a recent stream of research indicates that corruption may erode the links between citizens and governments in new democracies. Using data on national levels of corruption (Transparency International-1997 CPI index) and individual-level opinion data (1995)(1996)(1997) World Values Survey) we first examine the extent to which the mass public accurately perceives the extent of corruption in their respective nations. If citizens are to hold leaders accountable for political corruption, then the initial step for them is to recognize the severity of the problem. We find that Latin Americans are quite aware of the seriousness of corruption in their countries. The ensuing question is whether they are able to connect their views about corruption to appraisals of their authorities and institutions, and of democracy more generally. Collectively, our findings suggest that the necessary ingredients for accountability are present in Latin America. Citizens perceive corruption, and they connect those perceptions to their judgments regarding incumbent leaders and political institutions. The possible dark side of mass opinion regarding corruption is that pervasive, and often burgeoning misconduct, may lead public sentiment to be poisoned toward democratic politics in general. On this score, our analyses speak somewhat to the vitality of democracy in the region, at least in the short term. Although many Latin American systems are rife with corruption, this situation only seems to affect support for specific administrations and institutions. We identified no evidence that perceptions of corruption have soured mass opinion on democracy as a form of government. Unfortunately, it would be perilous to assume that this state of affairs can continue indefinitely.
The experience and perception of corruption: A comparative study in 34 societies
International Journal of Sociology, 2019
In this article we show that perceptions of corruption and the experience of bribery are related theoretically and empirically at the individual level, although the magnitude of this association relies on two context variables, country-level corruption and press freedom. For that purpose, we first offer a critical review of the literature studying perceptions of corruption. Then we propose a sociological approach to understand how people form "mental images" of corruption beyond (as well as based on) their personal experience of bribery. We test its main implications using a cross-national approach based on ISSP's 2016 Role of Government survey module, as well as the national-level predictors suggested by our theoretical framework and the specialized literature. Using multilevel models, we show that the generalized perception of corruption is associated with the personal experience of bribery and that this relation is stronger in countries where corruption is relatively absent and press freedom is high, i.e., developed countries. So, context is important in order to understand why perceptions of corruption and the experience of bribery sometimes are associated and other times are not. Finally, we argue that our findings could apply to a wide range of opinions lying far beyond the personal experience.
That Persistent Perception of Corruption in Latin America
Recent data confirms that corruption is perceived as one of the top five concerns for Latin America, along with crime and violence, economic opportunities, inequality and impunity. Moreover, a recent analysis looking at various indicators of government
Latin America has experienced a series of recent corruption scandals, resulting in an unprecedented uncertainty in political leadership across the whole region. Within this context, we have conducted a survey study comprising 9 countries in Latin America (n=1,250) examining the stereotype content of politicians. We tested a dual effects model in which the stereotypes of politicians were predicted to shape perceptions of justice directly and indirectly through the activation of affect. Our findings revealed that politicians tended to be stereotyped with negative morality traits and with a certain degree of negativity across other stereotype dimensions. Results supported a positive direct effect of morality on perceived justice and a positive indirect effect through the activation of affect. We discuss the implications of these findings for the current political context in Latin America and also for our understanding of perceptions about politicians and their relationship with leader and power legitimacy. Abstract Latin America has experienced a series of recent corruption scandals, resulting in an
Comparative Political Studies, 2004
This study examines how different party systems in Latin America affect the capability of opposition parties to use public concerns about political corruption for electoral mobilization. Opposition partisanship is more strongly linked to perceptions of corruption in the ideologically polarized party system of Chile than in the hegemonic party system then in decline in Mexico or in the centrist two-party system of Costa Rica. However, the capability of opposition parties in all three party systems to mobilize electoral support among voters dissatisfied with corruption is weakened by the tendency of these politically alienated citizens to withdraw from all types of political involvement. Implications of the findings for redressing problems of political corruption through the electoral process and for a deepening of democracy in Latin America are discussed.
What Determines Permissiveness Toward Corruption? A Study of Attitudes in Latin America
Understanding citizen corruption permissiveness can help clarify whether a general willingness to fight corruption exists in a society. Using 2005-2007 World Values Survey data from six Latin American countries, an index measuring corruption permissiveness was constructed. Results suggest that permissiveness varies by country and is associated with age, education, ethnicity, cultural values, and confidence in public organizations.
Political tolerance and political perceptions are analytically in distinguishable in current literature. In reality, however, individual attitudes toward political corruption are complicated and contingent on myriad factors . This paper makes an important conceptual distinction between perceptions and tolerance of corruption, and argues that voters form their attitudes toward corruption based upon their insider or outsider status. More specifically, we draw the distinction between insiders and outsiders along two dimensions: cost-benefit instrumentality and affective identity. The former refers to whether a voter belongs to the patronage network of the incumbent , and we posit that a patronage-insider is more tolerant of corruption and perceives corruption at a higher level compared to patronage outsiders. On the other hand, affective identity involves whether one shares a partisan or ethnic affiliation with the incumbent. Importantly, we argue that voters view corruption through the lens of identity, and that partisan and ethnic insiders are more likely to turn a blind eye to corruption. Finally, we argue that insiders’ electoral support of the incumbent is less affected by the consequences of corruption. We test our insider-outsider framework , as well as its implications for voting behavior, using recent Afrobarometer data on 18 sub-Saharan African democracies and find fairly strong evidence to support our hypotheses.