On the use of passives across Germanic (original) (raw)

Word Order and Passivization in English and German: A Syntax First Alignment Approach

2017

Building on the analysis of Chomsky (1981), Jaeggli (1986) argues that in a passive sentence like (2), the passive morpheme absorbs the external theta role of the predicate and the passive verb is unable to assign (accusative) case to the internal argument. (2) The rat was killed by the cat. Jaeggli adopts the external/internal argument distinction of Williams (1981) and claims that external arguments are assigned a theta-role listed in the lexical entry of the predicate, though this theta-role is unlinked, i.e. it is not associated with a subcategorization feature. The theta-role of internal arguments, on the other hand, is linked in the lexical entry of the predicate. Absorption can be defined as feature assignment to a bound morpheme. To put it another way, the passive suffix absorbs the external theta-role by being assigned it. This is possible because the external theta-role is unlinked, so the linking conventions are not violated. Jaeggli also assumes that the passive morpheme is obligatorily assigned this θrole. From this perspective, passive can be defined as the absorption of the external argument. This is consistent with the well-known fact that only those predicates can undergo passivization which have an external θ-role. Verbs which have only an internal argument, e.g. unaccusatives such as arrive, appear or depart, cannot be passivized as there is no external argument to be absorbed. The examples below support the claim that the external theta-role in passive sentences is present:

Topicalization and Other Puzzles of German Syntax

In: G. Grewendorf & W.Sternefeld eds. Scrambling and Barriers. Amsterdam: Benjamins (p. 93-112), 1990

This paper analyzes the syntactic properties of sentences with a V-projection in clause initial position, so-called VP-topicalization. The analysis pursues two theoretic claims. First, it will be claimed that this construction provides an argument for a representational conception of Generative Grammar (cf. Koster 1987) and against the standard GB-model with derivation by movement. It will be shown that VP-topicalization defies a derivational analysis. Secondly, this construction provides evidence for the claim that in German the subject is internal to V-max. In section 2, the relevant syntactic aspects of the construction are introduced. Section 3 provides arguments that a movement analysis cannot capture the relevant generalizations. A representational account is presented in section 4, together with an explanation of the syntactic behavior described in section 2. Section 5 discusses some consequences of the representational account. Key words: VP-internal subject; movement paradox; VP topicalization, representational versus derivational accounts.

Verbal Derivatives and Process Types in Transitivity Configurations of English and German Clauses

Facta Universitatis Series: Linguistics and Literature, 2016

At the level of the clause as representation we reconsider the proposition of Systemic Functional Grammar (SFG) that there exists continuity between grammar and lexis. In English and German clauses, we shall examine verbal derivatives formed through prefixation with regard to the process types they actualize in the clauses. Prefixation involves the modification of the semantic properties of the base, which requires different configurations of semantic roles in a clause in functional terms. The idea that lexicogrammar is a core of the wording of the clause will be examined in relation to morphologically induced semantic modification resulting in the change in Transitivity configurations with different process types actualized by the base and the verbal derivative.

Some aspects of topicalization in active Swedish declaratives: a quantitative corpus study

Linguistics, 2006

In Swedish declaratives, clause-initial NP Fin NP. .. strings are structurally ambiguous. Though the prefinite argument NP normally occupies the role of the subject, in some circumstances the interpretation OVS is preferred over the basic SVO word order. Thus, the initial NP can also be analyzed as a nonsubject, that is, as a direct or indirect object, the object of a preposition, a predicate noun, or a predicate adjective. In this article, the consequences of this ambiguity for the production of NP Fin NP. .. sequences are studied. More specifically, the influence of word order, inflectional morphology, content factors, and anaphoric reference on the topicalization of nonsubject NPs in two written corpora are discussed. A necessary condition for the production of an OVS structure is that the NP Fin NP. .. string cannot be interpreted as an SVO structure. In the analyzed texts, formal markers have only a weak correlation with the occurrence of OVS sequences as compared to the e¤ect of meaning. A further factor influencing the probability of an OVS order is the textual continuity of the nonsubject NP. Most of the topicalized nonsubjects in the corpora are NPs referring to an antecedent in the left context.

Syntactic architecture and its consequences III: Inside syntax

2021

This paper reconsiders some core issues on the morphosyntax and semantics of deponents, and what I contend are their counterparts in languages with no fullyfledged voice paradigms, namely pseudo-reflexives in Germanic and Romance. In particular, I show that non-active voice and reflexive marking in these constructions functions as a verbalizer, specifically on the roots of these verbs, which are nominal. Consequently, at least some roots seem to be categorial, and their category and other selectional features (such as non-causative semantics) relevant for Merge. Thus, the paper provides novel evidence for the view that roots have meaning, and in particular, for the existence of entity denoting roots.

A Lexical-Functional Analysis of Predicate Topicalization in German

American Journal of Germanic Linguistics and Literatures, 1999

In this paper we examine the topicalization paradigm for ten different verbal constructions in German. We argue that a uniform explanation for the observed behaviors follows from the interpretation of the relevant expressions as (parts of) lexical representations. To this end we motivate a revision of Functional Uncertainty as proposed in to account for filler/gap relations in long distance dependencies. We assume with the original formulation of this principle that topicalized elements share values with the (grammatical) function status of an entity an indeterminate distance away. We appeal to the inventory of functions posited within LEXICAL FUNCTIONAL GRAMMAR inclusive of the frequently neglected PREDICATE function, which we argue is associated with both simple and complex predicates. In addition we show that topicalization, given this function-based proposal, should not be limited to maximal categories. We argue that the need to posit a PREDICATE function for German topicalization is supported by an independent line of research within LFG concerning the analysis of complex predicates. For this purpose we employ the proposals of T. which argue for the independence of the construct PREDICATE from its categorial realization. We show that this type of proposal extends to provide a uniform account of the German topicalization paradigm. This permits us to explain the similarities and differences in the behaviors of various sorts of predicators as well as certain idiomatic expressions interpreted as complex predicates.

Syntactic category changing in syntax

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A phrase-structure grammar for German passives

Linguistics, 1986

Personal and impersonal variants of the German werden passives are examined and argued to be (1) subjectless in the impersonal case and (2) lexically formed. A rule introducing these is formulated in GPSG and shown to account for (1) the evidence that indicates that impersonal passives are subjectless, in particular, the behavior of matrix-initial zs; and (2) the evidence that indicates a lexical rule, in particular (a) the various constituent structures in which passive participles and auxiliaries participate; (b) the admission of lexical exceptions; and (c) the behavior of reflexives in passives (in one variety of German). Illustrative derivations of personal and impersonal passives are provided.