It’s the EU immigrants stupid! UKIP’s core-issue and populist rhetoric on the road to Brexit (original) (raw)

Shooting the fox? UKIP's populism in the post-Brexit era

West European Politics, 2019

The UK Independence Party (UKIP) has moved from being a single issue party par excellence to a broader party of protest, taking advantage of broader feelings of discontent and disconnection. However, the 2016 referendum on UK membership of the EU fundamentally challenged its development and operation, by removing a core part of the party's rationale and identity, and radically shifting the overall political landscape. This paper considers the re-positioning through the referendum period, both rhetorically and organisationally. Drawing on party press releases and media coverage, the paper argues that UKIP has become caught in a set of multiple transformations, pushing it in the longer term towards a more conventionally populist position, in a way that carries important resonances for other eurosceptic parties across the continent.

Immigration, Euroscepticism, and the rise and fall of UKIP

Party Politics, 2019

This paper presents a case study of the emergence of the issue-linkage necessary for a cross-cutting EU cleavage to become electorally salient. We argue that a key political decision on immigration in 2004 facilitated the emergence of a new dimension of party competition and growth in popular support for the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) leading eventually to the 2016 EU Referendum. To examine this thesis we trace the impact of the UK's government's immigration policy on (i) rising immigration, (ii) the political salience of immigration, (iii) the increasing association between concern about immigration and Euroscepticism, and (iv) the emergence of a cross-cutting dimension of party competition coalescing around support for UKIP. The analysis combines information from official immigration rates, media reporting on immigration, Mori polls, Continuous Monitoring Surveys, and the British Election Study.

Immigration, Issue Ownership and the Rise of UKIP

This contribution looks at how the issue of immigration evolved between 2010 and 2015 and how one party in particular, UKIP, benefitted from this change at the general election. Using British Election Study data, we show that the inability of the Conservative Party to meet its manifesto promise of dramatically reducing net migration allowed UKIP to take ownership over one of the most salient issues in British politics. In doing so, UKIP’s potential for success in general elections was vastly increased as those voters with the most fervently anti-immigration outlooks, who also held negative attitudes towards British democracy and the European Union, increasingly gravitated toward Nigel Farage’s party. Unlike any other party, a majority of the public believed that UKIP recognised the importance of immigration and were the only party who would do something about it. We also argue that the increasingly tough rhetoric of the Labour Party on immigration was a factor in the rise of three parties whose ‘libertarian-universalistic’ ideologies were the polar opposite of UKIP’s ‘traditionalist-communitarian’ values, as the positively pro-immigration SNP, Plaid Cymru and the Green Party all saw their vote shares increase.

Strategic Eurosceptics and polite xenophobes: support for the UK Independence Party (UKIP) in the 2009 European parliament elections

European Journal of …, 2011

Britain has long been identified with a strong tradition of Euroscepticism, yet we know little about the drivers of support for openly Eurosceptic parties. In this article, we draw on a unique large-scale dataset to undertake the first ever individuallevel analysis of the social and attitudinal drivers of support for the UK Independence Party (UKIP) at the 2009 elections to the European Parliament. We find that while Euroscepticism is the most important driver of UKIP support it is not the whole story.

Strategic Eurosceptics and Polite Xenophobes: Support for the UK Independence Party (UKIP) at the 2009 European Parliament Elections

Britain has long been identified with a strong tradition of Euroscepticism,yet we know little about the drivers of support for openly Eurosceptic parties. In this article, we draw on a unique large-scale dataset to undertake the first ever individual level analysis of the social and attitudinal drivers of support for the UK Independence Party (UKIP) at the 2009 elections to the European Parliament. We find that while Euroscepticism is the most important driver of UKIP support it is not the whole story. Other attitudinal drivers, namely dissatisfaction towards mainstream parties and xenophobia, are also important. Examining vote-switching between first and second order elections we also find evidence of a distinction between two types of supporter: more affluent middle class ‘strategic defectors’ from the mainstream Conservative Party who support UKIP to register their Euroscepticism; on the other are more economically marginal and politically disaffected ‘core loyalists’ who are attracted to UKIP by its xenophobic, increasingly Islamophobic and populist anti-establishment strategy. Our analysis suggests that UKIP is well positioned to recruit a more stable and enduring base of support from its extreme right-wing competitor, the British National Party (BNP), and become a significant vehicle of xenophobia and, more specifically, Islamophobia in modern Britain.

Politics for the Masses: the Discursive Construction of Populism in UKIP

2017

The purpose of this research is to offer a contribution to the study of the growth of anti-establishment political groups in the UK, specifically, the United Kingdom Independence Party, a typically perceived right-wing political movement whose main belief is the separation of the UK from the European Union. First part of the research will mostly draw upon literature review on Political and Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), a multifaceted approach to the study of text and talk: discourses influence social relations and knowledge systems through language, and the theoretical structure of CDA demonstrates the complex workings of power and ideology in discourse in sustaining particular orders. What is intended to prove, where verifiable, is a re-shape of the negative biased definition of the term ‘populism’ which has been attributed for years by mainstream politics. The study will give an overview on the interchangeable Other-construction depending on one of the great three issues at s...

EU Accession Immigration and the Rise of UKIP

Electoral Shocks

This chapter explains how the powerful issue dimensions of the EU and immigration were combined in the 2004 decision for open immigration with EU accession countries. As immigration rose in the 2000s, the salience of immigration increased substantially. The 2004 immigration decision had two key consequences. Firstly, it greatly constrained the ability of UK governments to change the level of immigration in response to public opinion, and secondly, it closely linked the previously separate issues of immigration and Europe. The salience of immigration was related most strongly to media coverage of the issue, which in turn closely tracked the actual rates of immigration. UKIP capitalized on this combined EU/immigration dimension and substantial numbers of voters switched to UKIP from the major parties in 2015 on this basis. We show that without the high salience of immigration between 2010 and 2015, the defections to UKIP would have been relatively small.

When nationalism meets populism: examining right-wing populist & nationalist discourses in the 2014 & 2019 European parliamentary elections

European Politics and Society, 2021

This article provides an empirical contribution into the discursive repertoire of seven populist radical right-wing parties. Within the context of the European Parliamentary elections of 2014 and 2019, we examine and compare how these parties discursively shape the content of social demands by assessing how 'the people', 'the nation', 'the elite' and 'others' are constructed, and how different demands are incorporated. In doing so we assess the specific role of populism and nationalism in these parties' discourse. We apply a two-stage measurement technique, combining both qualitative and quantitative content analytical modes of research, with advantages over existing methods, looking at both levels and form of the populist and nationalist signifiers. Our results suggest that although parties often combine both populism and nationalism, there is a general disposition to construct the signifer 'the people', not primarily through staging an antagonism between 'people/elite' (populism), but rather through articulating 'the people' as a national community in need of protection from the EU (nationalism). In view of this, we highlight that populism does not operate as the differentia specifica of populist radical right wing parties' discourse.

The European Union Referendum Campaign: Ideologies and Manipulative Features in the British Press Discourse

PEOPLE: International Journal of Social Sciences

Undeniably, Media plays a pivotal role in every aspect of peoples' daily lives and significantly during times of great events. For decades, Media generally and the press particularly have been harnessed by politicians and commentators to impart their messages to the general public to either control or legitimize their political attitudes and goals. The rise of online news and the systematic decline of newspaper circulation did not herald the end of the significance of the press to political debate. People's actions and opinions are deeply amenable and manipulated by the hidden ideologies adopted by the online press and embedded within the news texts. During the referendum campaign of 2016, the press was a primary source of political information and had a significant position in setting the agenda for the mainstream Media (Levy et al., 2016). This paper examines critically the way the online press has manipulated people's views in the referendum campaign of 2016 on the United Kingdom's membership in the European Union. It focuses mainly on the micro-level of