Applicative structure and Mandarin ditransitives (original) (raw)

V-gei Double Object Construction and Extra Argument in Mandarin

2019

This paper examines the syntax of a morphologically complex double object construction in Mandarin, V-gei structure, and uses the results as the basis for a new account of a special phenomenon: sentences with an extra experiencer. Following Pylkkänen’s (2002) work on applicative phrases, we argue that different interpretations of the indirection object in double object construction can be accounted for by the differences between high and low applicatives. We adopt Paul and Whitman’s (2010) raising applicative hypothesis to account for double object construction, and argue that the indirect object moves to the specifier of low applicative projection to be licensed with the goal reading. Further, we argue that this indirect object may optionally raise to the high applicative phrase to obtain the benefactive thematic role. This helps to explain the phenomenon of indirect objects not always carrying a benefactive reading. We then propose that an argument may directly merge with the high...

Gei and the double object construction in Mandarin Chinese

2016

This paper proposes that in Mandarin double object construction (DOC), gei is an overt realization of Harley's (2002) possessive P HAVE head: [ vP Agent [ v’ cause/o [ PP Goal [ P’ P HAVE ( gei ) [ DP Theme]]]]] It raises to join the predicate to form the verb, no matter whether the predicate is null or not. This proposal gives a unified account of why gei sometimes acts as a verb and sometimes as a preposition. It also accounts for subtle semantic differences between the DOC and the dative construction when they have the same Goal and Theme arguments.

The structures of depictive and resultative constructions in Chinese

ZAS Papers in Linguistics, 2001

In this paper I firstly argue that secondary predicates are complement of v, and v is overtly realized by Merge or Move in secondary predication in Chinese. The former option derives the de-construction, whereas the latter option derives the V-V construction. Secondly, I argue that resultatives are hosted by complement vPs, whereas depictives are hosted by adjunct vPs. This complement-adjunct asymmetry accounts for a series of syntactic properties of secondary predication in Chinese: the position of a secondary predicate with respect to the verb of the primary predicate, the co-occurrence patterns of secondary predicates, the hierarchy of depictives, the control and ECM properties of resultative constructions, and the locality constraint on the integration of secondary predicates into the structure of primary predication. Thirdly, I argue that the surface position of de is derived by a PF operation which attaches de to the right of the leftmost verbal lexical head of the construction. Finally, I argue that in the V-V resultative construction, the assumed successive head-raising may account for the possible subject-oriented reading of the resultative predicate, and that the head raising out of the lower vP accounts for the possible non-specific reading of the subject of the resultative predicate.

Mandarin Directional Serial Verb Constructions: A Constructionist Approach

2016

This thesis presents a neo-constructionist theory to account for a couple of puzzles centring around the Mandarin directional serial verb constructions (DSVC), such as song tang jin lai ‘send soup enter come'. Mandarin DSVCs are divided into seven types. I first look into the word order alternations observed with certain types of DSVCs. I find that the word order variants differ in telicity and their interaction with the aspectual morpheme le, the potential morphemes de/bu and the negation bu/mei. Then the DSVCs involving no word order alternations are also examined. I compare the distribution of le and the locative object in all types of DSVCs. The relation between the metaphoric interpretation and the syntactic position of directional verbs is also discussed. To cover the data, I propose that syntax first generates an eventuality-encoding structure for the lexical items to be inserted. In this structure, VP is sandwiched between a series of functional projections including Res...

The interactions between construction meaning and lexical meaning

Linguistics, 2000

ABSTRACT This paper examines the relationships among lexical classes, argument structures, and syntactic constructions. Focusing on the ditransitive construction in English, Chinese, and Spanish, the author shows that the interpretation of indirect object of certain classes of verbs, such as transference verbs and state-changing verbs, is goal in English, source in Chinese, and either goal or source in Spanish. In addition, creation verbs, but not consuming verbs, are permitted in the English ditransitive construction. In contrast, consuming verbs, but not creation verbs, are permitted in the Chinese ditransitive construction. Spanish allows both classes. The author attributes the contrast to the interactions between lexical meaning and construction meaning. In particular, the author argues that the default meaning of the ditransitive construction is transference to the referent of the indirect object in English, transference from the referent of the indirect object in Chinese, and simply transference, without a specification for direction, in Spanish. Creation verbs, for example, are compatible with the transference-to meaning and are thus acceptable in the English but not the Chinese ditransitive construction; consuming verbs are compatible with the transference-from meaning and are thus allowed in the Chinese but not the English ditransitive construction.

Miao (2010) Descriptive V-de Construction as Predication in Mandarin Chinese. Master's Thesis

2010

This thesis provides a unified account of various semantic properties and syntactic behaviors of the descriptive V-de construction in Mandarin Chinese. The descriptive V-de construction is one type of V-de construction. In the literature, the discussion on the descriptive V-de construction, while widespread, is often subsumed under the general discussion on the V-de construction (e.g. Chao (1968), Dai (1992), C.-R. Huang (1990), Huang & Mangione (1985), Huang (1988), Huang (1992), Huang et al. (2009), Ross (1984), Tai (1989), Tang (1992), Ting & Li (1997), among others). Using Dowty’s (1979) diagnostics for states to test the event type of the descriptive V-de construction, I conclude that the construction is stative. In terms of the distinctions between simple event and complex event made by Rappaport Hovav & Levin (2001), the three properties of the descriptive V-de construction — temporal dependency between pre-de and post-de elements, prohibition of NPs following de, and lack of causative meaning — show that the construction has a simple event structure, which is characteristic of statives. I propose that the stativity of the event expressed compositionally by the pre-de verb and the post-de adverbial in the descriptive V-de construction is determined by the post-de adverbial, not by the pre-de verb, a view consistent with the Primary Predicate Hypothesis. Since the descriptive V-de construction is stative, I argue that the particle de is the intransitive light verb BE, which is attached to the pre-de verb, and that the construction only has one obligatory theta-role — Theme — which is assigned compositionally by the pre-de verb and the post-de adverbial. Working within the framework of Larson’s (2004) semanto-syntactic mapping model and adopting the analysis that the post-de adverbial serves as the complement of the pre-de verb under the Secondary Predicate Hypothesis, and is mapped into the nuclear scope of the structured Davidsonian event quantification, expressing the assertion, I propose that the post-de adverbial can be semantically represented as a state denoting predicate, and that the state denoted by the post-de adverbial has the subject of the sentence as its Theme. Furthermore, I propose that the post-de adverbial is predicated of the event denoted by the pre-de verb.

Valence Creation and the German Applicative: the Inherent Semantics of Linking Patterns

Journal of Semantics, 2000

We provide a unified account of semantic effects observable in attested examples of the German applicative ('be-') construction, e.g., Rollstuhlfahrer Poul Schacksen aus Kopenhagen will den 1997 erschienenen Wegweiser Handiguide Europa fortführen und zusammen mit Movado Berlin berollen ('Wheelchair user Poul Schacksen from Copenhagen wants to continue the guide 'Handiguide Europe', which came out in 1997, and be-roll Berlin together with Movado.'). We argue that these effects do not come from lexico-semantic operations on 'input' verbs, but are instead the products of a reconciliation procedure in which the meaning of the verb is integrated into the event-structure schema denoted by the applicative construction. The applicative pattern is an ARGUMENT-STRUCTURE CONSTRUCTION, in terms of . We contrast this account with that of Brinkmann (1997), in which properties associated with the applicative pattern (e.g., omissibility of the theme argument, holistic interpretation of the goal argument, and planar construal of the location argument) are attributed to general semantico-pragmatic principles. We undermine the generality of the principles as stated, and assert that these properties are instead construction-particular. We further argue that the constructional account provides an elegant model of the valence-creation and valence-augmentation functions of the prefix. We describe the constructional semantics as prototype-based: diverse implications of bepredications, including iteration, transfer, affectedness, intensity and saturation, derive via regular patterns of semantic extension from the topological concept of COVERAGE.

On the Double Object Construction and the Oblique Construction in Cantonese

Studies in Language, 1997

The double-object construction has always been a controversial issue in linguistic theory. In Chinese we encounter an interesting and peculiar situation: both Mandarin and Cantonese have the dative construction with the indirect object (IO) introduced by a dative preposition (V + DO + Prep. + IO), but when the preposition is absent, the indirect object always precedes the direct object (DO)) in Mandarin (V + IO + DO), while the reverse order is predominant in Cantonese (V + DO + IO).

The Mandarin LVS construction: Verb lexical semantics and grammatical aspect

Cognitive Linguistics, 2014

Two empirical studies -a verb elicitation experiment and a collostructional analysis -were conducted to investigate the Mandarin LVS construction with respect to the lexical semantics of the verb and its collocation with grammatical aspect. Converging evidence from both studies indicates strong schematicity and productivity in the verb category of the LVS construction. Although most exemplars fall into a few major lexical semantic clusters, there are more low-frequency marginal exemplars than previously recognized, reinforcing the constructional schema in an essentially radial category. In addition to the lexical semantic regularity of the verb slot, both studies showed the existence of highfrequency tokens with prototype status. As far as grammatical aspect is concerned, the converging evidence indicates that the LVS category is compatible not only with the durative aspect, but also with the perfective as well as the resultative and directional lexical aspect. The attraction of grammatical aspect to the verb of LVS is graded rather than absolute, with some mutual selection patterns more typical than others. The two grammatical aspects as marked by the durative -zhe and the perfective -le are non-interchangeable.