Russian Empire's Rule and Bolsheviks Ascent to Power in the Public Discourse of Uzbekistan (original) (raw)

Evolution of Relations Between Russia and Uzbekistan_Bazileva S.P., Chernenko E.F. (in Russian)

In the article the relations of Uzbekistan and Russia are examined in the context of making integration process more active in Eurasia based on the example of EAEU and SCO, proceeding in the period of increased turbulence of world system in 2014-2016, the aggravations of Russian relations with the West in connection with the introduction of anti-Russian sanctions and reorientation of Russian foreign economic policy to the East. The authors examine the development of Uzbek - Russian relations on the wide historical background in the light of interests of both countries, possibilities of increasing their competitive ability under the conditions of strengthening the crisis phenomena in the contemporary world as a whole, and on the Eurasian economic space, in particular. The association of the efforts of the two countries in the fight against international terrorism - one of the most serious calls of the present, participation in the solution of the vital problems of international safety on the continent within the framework of integrated associations could give additional political weight to both countries. The ability of Uzbekistan and Russia to search for and to find compromises in the process of regulating debatable questions of political and economic interactions is shown. In the article the attention is paid to the unrealized possibilities of the Uzbek - Russian relations, which are considered as the possible factor of the development of integration process in Eurasia. The authors consider the absence of any other alternative to further positive development of relations between Russia and Uzbekistan and to strengthening the many-sided contacts between them, which sources were placed in the distant past. The idea is defended about the fact that joining EAEU could bring essential political and economic dividends to Uzbekistan. Through the economic collaboration with Uzbekistan Russia can have the specific effect on its integrative policy.

The Founder of Kazakh Autonomy as Seen by a Modern Russian Author

Quaestio Rossica

This article analyses a monograph on the political biography of Alikhan Bukeikhanov, an outstanding researcher and public figure of Kazakhstan, written by a Russian author. The undeniable achievements of Kazakh historiography consist in the introduction to academic use of a significant volume of sources about the life and activities of the participants of the Alash movement and their fate in the Soviet state. Documents and literature on A. Bukeikhanov occupy a significant place among them. The book by V. I. Kozodoy assesses some misconceptions and unsubstantiated assertions entrenched in historiography concerning terminological inaccuracies and episodes of the character’s life. At the same time, the book contains hypotheses and assumptions which are not substantiated. Meanwhile, in the reviewer’s opinion, they become the basis for making fundamental conclusions and revising the predecessors’ assessments. While Kozodoy selectively addresses studies by Russian historians, conceptually...

Understanding of Kazakh Volost by Russian Officials of the XIX century

The priority task of the Russian government during construction of the Empire was the administrative and territorial regulation of new spaces through the incorporation of traditional institutions of governance into the unified political system of the state. The article examines the views of Russian officials (M. Speransky, S. Bronevsky, P. Gorchakov, K. Gutkovsky and others) on the process of establishing the institute of the volost management system in the Kazakh steppe during the 19th century. Socio-political processes of integration of Steppe required from regional authorities to take into account the peculiarities of lifestyle, and culture of local people. Russian officials used the features of the nomadic cattle breeding during creation of principles for the regulation of volosts as an administrative and territorial structure. They determined the mechanism of elections and the appointment of volost governors. Authors in article explored the reasons for the changes in the tactics of the regional administration upon introduction of a lower territorial unit, the mechanism for their transformation, various approaches in the process of volost division in the Steppe, and the election of volost governors. At the first stage under the formation of volosts, they used the principle of combining of close Kazakh families, neighboring nomads and having adjacent winter pastures, instead of direct territorial distribution of pastures. During the XIX century the views of Russian officials on volost governors also was changed. By the 60s of the XIX century they realized that belonging of volost governor to the privileged estate (sultans) does not give him the opportunity to become an influential figure in the Steppe and guide the policy of the Russian government. This was the impetus for new initiatives to admit honorable Kazakhs to the posts of volosts governors.

Kazakh officialdom in the Semirechensk Oblast in the context

KazNU Bulletin. History series, 2022

This article examines the features of Kazakh officialdom that formed in the second half of the XIX – early XX century in the Semirechensk oblast in the context of the “Theory of collaboration” by the famous English historian Ronald Robinson. On the basis of archival, oral and historiographical materials, the scientific judgments of this theory were widely considered, and their reflections in the apparatus of the local government of the Semirechensk region were analyzed. The general regularities and differences of the theory of collaboration in relation to the service, and the activities of Kazakh officials of the Semirechensk region, who served the tsarist government were determined. The nature of cooperation of local officials, the system of encouragement and the personal motives of Kazakh officials were especially noted in the example of the arguments given by R. Robinson. In addition, comparative analysis and consistency, general scientific and historical principles that form the methodological basis of this article, have increased the relevance and determined the complexity of the problem, and also noted the applied importance of this study in the study of the relationship of the empire with the colony. At the end of the article, based on the results obtained, the level of applicability of scientific judgments of the theory of collaboration in relation to the Kazakh bureaucracy in the Semirechensk region was determined.

World War and Uzbekistan articles

ИККИНЧИ ЖАҲОН УРУШИДА ФАШИЗМ УСТИДАН ҚОЗОНИЛГАН ҒАЛАБАГА ЎЗБЕКИСТОН ХАЛҚИНИНГ ҚЎШГАН ҲИССАСИ‖ Илмий-амалий онлайн конференция материаллари, 2020

ИККИНЧИ ЖАҲОН УРУШИДА ФАШИЗМ УСТИДАН ҚОЗОНИЛГАН ҒАЛАБАГА ЎЗБЕКИСТОН ХАЛҚИНИНГ ҚЎШГАН ҲИССАСИ‖ Илмий-амалий онлайн конференция материаллари «ВКЛАД НАРОДА УЗБЕКИСТАНА В ПОБЕДУ НАД ФАШИЗМОМ ВО ВТОРОЙ МИРОВОЙ ВОЙНЕ » Материалы научно-практическую онлайн конференции Тошкент 28 апрель 2020 йил

Shmatov M. Mass Political Culture and the “National Discussion” of the Stalin Constitution in the Concept of Olga Velikanova // Quaestio Rossica. Vol. 8. 2020. № 2. P. 678–691. (In Russian)

Quaestio Rossica, 2020

This review analyses a monograph by O. Velikanova, an American historian of Russian descent. The work focuses on the interaction of the Bolshevik authorities with the USSR’s population during the most large-scale political campaign of the early Soviet era, the “national discussion” of the draft version of the Stalin Constitution in the second half of 1936. Special attention is paid to the author’s method with various sources: from official legislation to classified document management, including several previously unpublished documents. The author aims to theoretically substantiate the existence of the phenomenon of mass political culture in the Soviet reality of the 1930s at the individual and group levels. Additionally, the author provides arguments illustrating the need to study the social perception of power practices during the mobilisation campaign by the civilian population and confirms the effectiveness of the results. Attention should be paid to the author’s justification of the point of view about the early date (1933) of the start of the constitutional reform in the USSR. The author proves the thesis about the large-scale social conditions that arose as a result of the extreme events of the early 1930s. Velikanova explains the goals of the reform of the USSR constitution in the context of domestic and international realities of the mid‑1930s and the relations of the supreme leadership of the Soviet Union with regional functionaries and mass groups of the population. The author’s attention focuses on the causes and forms of perception of the campaign and the discourses in relation to the draft version of the Stalin Constitution. Velikanova analyses and explains both loyalist (conformist) and liberal (both conformist and protest) discourses, and the insufficiently studied positions of the part of the population which supported the reinforcement of the repressive antidemocratic policy of the authorities, concluding that the spread and influence of protective tendencies in society were sufficiently strong. The reviewer appreciates the author’s contribution in the form of a detailed consideration of mass sources, although the method of working with them could be a subject for discussion. Finally, it is emphasised that, beyond any doubt, the author’s position and conclusions are valuable for further interdisciplinary studies of the nature and evolution of Stalinism in the USSR. Анализируется монография американского историка российского происхождения О. Великановой. В работе осмысляется взаимодействие большевистского руководства с населением СССР в процессе масштабной массовой политической кампании раннесоветской эпохи – «всенародного обсуждения» проекта «сталинской» Конституции во второй половине 1936 г. Особое внимание уделяется методике работы автора с разнообразными источниками: от официального законодательства до секретного делопроизводства, включая ряд ранее не публиковавшихся документов публичного, секретного и личного характера. Автор ставит задачу теоретического обоснования существования в советских реалиях 1930-х гг. феномена массовой политической культуры в его преломлении на индивидуальном и групповом уровнях, аргументирует необходимость и подтверждает результативность исследования социального восприятия гражданским населением властных практик в ходе мобилизационной кампании. Внимания заслуживает авторское обоснование точки зрения о ранних сроках начала конституционной реформы в СССР (1933 г.), доказывается тезис о масштабных социальных условиях для нее, возникших в результате экстремальных событий начала 1930-х гг. О. Великанова объясняет цели реформы Конституции СССР в контексте внутренних и международных реалий середины 1930-х гг., взаимоотношений верховного руководства Советского Союза с региональными функционерами, массовыми группами населения. Внимание автора сконцентрировано на причинах и формах восприятия кампании, на существовавших в обществе дискурсах по отношению к проекту «сталинской» Конституции. Анализируются и объясняются как лоялистские (конформистские) и либеральные (как конформистские, так и протестные) дискурсы, так и недостаточно изученные историками позиции части населения в поддержку усиления репрессивной, антидемократической политики руководства; делается вывод о высокой степени распространения и влиянии охранительных тенденций в обществе. Заслуга автора, по мнению рецензента, состоит в детальном рассмотрении массовых источников, при этом методика работы с ними может быть предметом дискуссии. Сделан вывод о безусловной ценности позиций и выводов автора для дальнейших междисциплинарных исследований природы и эволюции сталинизма в СССР.