Cfp. "Cultural encounters in 15th century Europe and beyond". Deadline: 30 November 2022, (original) (raw)
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Commercial Networks and European Cities (14th–18th Centuries), 2014
Merchant networks generated trade and exchange of goods between the cities of early modern Europe. Such networks were fundamental in the spread of cultural artefacts and practice, as well as leading to migration between the cities. This collection of essays applies network analysis to commercial networks, focusing on the roles of kinship, origin, religion and business in creating and maintaining urban economies.
2016
Various unpublished letters and merchants’ memoirs dating from the late 15th century Tuscany have enabled us to investigate the reasons for the lack of a network of major European trade companies in the Bal- kans. Western operators chose to trade with the merchants of Ragusa (Dubrov- nik). Consequently, Ragusa assumed a dominant position in both the land trade routes with inland regions and in the land trade routes between East and West.
Skyllis. Zeitschrift für Unterwasserarchäologie, 2015
The paper describes the late Hanseatic trade with Iceland, the Faroe Islands as well as the Shetland Islands and gives an overview about the maritime archaeological researches, especially of this time period, in the Shetland Islands. Between the 15th and 17th centuries Bremen and Hamburg were the main Hanseatic traders in the North Atlantic area. The main commodity of the north was the well-known stockfish but other goods like sulphur, wool cloth or butter were also traded. The ships of the Hansa merchants for the Iceland-trade had an average size of 60 last (120 - 180 tons) and for the Shetland-trade an average size of 20 to 30 last (40 - 90 tons). The small quantity of wreck finds from the Hanseatic periods and the lack of precise ship measurements or constructional information in contemporary sources is the main reason for the currently unsatisfying state of knowledge of Hanseatic seafaring and shipbuilding. Especially in the North Atlantic Islands and here in the Shetland Islands, the archaeological evaluation of possible early modern wreck sites and harbour areas is still only beginning and a lot of maritime archaeological surprises can hopefully be expected here.
AmS-Skrifter
Friend or foe? Trader or pirate? Commercial shipping along the archipelago of southern Norway in the early fifteenth century could be a risky business. Hanseatic skippers must have had detailed knowledge of sailing routes and good harbours along the route past Lindesnes towards Bergen. Among a chain of good natural harbours, Skjernesund near Mandal formed a hub, a protected inner route consisting of several good harbour areas sheltered from the exposed Skagerrak north of Skjernøya. An overview of dated shipwrecks along the coast of southern Norway is presented and their context discussed in relation to why they wrecked. It is striking that the majority of wrecks have been found in port areas. The most common interpretation of these wrecks individually is that there are natural explanations for these as losses at sea. By comparing the written sources and historical events from the main period of these shipwrecks, it is probable that in many cases the cause was piracy.
Late Hanseatic seafaring from Hamburg and Bremen to Iceland, Faeroe Islands and Shetland
N.E.R.D. New European Researches and Discoveries in Underwaterarchaeology Conference. Beiträge der Internationalen Konferenz der Arbeitsgruppe für maritimen und limnischen Archäologie. 21. - 23. November 2014 in Kiel , 2016
The paper describes the late Hanseatic trade with Iceland, the Faroe Islands and the Shetland Islands. Between the 15th and 17th centuries Bremen and Hamburg were the main Hanseatic traders in the North Atlantic area. The main commodity of the north was the well-known stockfish but other goods like sulphur, wool cloth or butter were also traded. The ships of the Hansa merchants for the Iceland-trade had an average size of 60 last (120 - 180 tons) and for the Shetland-trade an average size of 20 to 30 last (40 - 90 tons). The small quantity of wreck finds from the Hanseatic periods and the lack of precise ship measurements or constructional information in contemporary sources is the main reason for the currently unsatisfying state of knowledge of Hanseatic seafaring and shipbuilding. Especially in the North Atlantic Islands the archaeological evaluation of possible early modern wreck sites and harbour areas is still only beginning and a lot of maritime archaeological surprises can hopefully be expected here.
International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 2006
persuasive. They came to 'tiny islands, with poor agricultural land' and where there were no 'diplomatic contacts' (p.149). They came by boat, settled, took over aspects of native social and economic life, brought new ideas, concepts, goods and genes, and made permanent impacts on the landscape and linguistic inheritance. Although not directly addressing the important issue of transport, there is sufficient description and discussion in this book of the influences sea-travel had on the way of life of Late-Iron-Age inhabitants of the Northern Isles to tantalise any reader. Debate on the types of boat used during this period will have to await further discoveries, more research and perhaps another conference on Orkney.
Social and Individual Spatial Mobility in Late Medieval and Renaissance Croatia in European Context; eds. Sabine Florence Fabijanec, Zoran Ladić and Zrinka Novak, 2022
Late medieval and Early modern ships can be compared with tiny cities – for they share all characteristics: the walls, ordnance, population, private and public spaces, officials and the hierarchy, and so many others. While the ship is a confined, almost compressed, physical and social space, people and goods move through it continuously in order to produce a peculiar dynamic of confinement and heterogeneity, even cosmopolitanism. Due to a very confined space aboard ships, all these cultural and emotional exchanges between passengers become intensified. Fears of pirates or storms amplify, but also prayers and hopes of deliverance multiply. Passengers get surprised by the features of the landscape or people in the countries they travel through, their preconceptions compete with the images they see for themselves. This paper reads a selection of travelogues (mostly focusing on Felix Fabri and Pietro Casola) through the aspect of the history and sociology of emotions, as well as from the imagological perspective. Also, some present-day seafaring stressors (physical, psychosocial, and social) and traumatic experiences are compared to those on board a Renaissance pilgrim ship.
Recent researches have demonstrated both from the archaeological and historical point of view the belonging of Comacchio (Ferrara, Italy) to the mostly unknown picture of the formation and development of new settlements that characterize the upper Adriatic Sea between the 6th and 10th century AD. The importance of Comacchio as a new town, able to take a fundamental role in the management of the trading relationships on a Mediterranean scale, has to be analysed in connection with the birth of other new urban settlements. Comacchio, as Venice (Torcello, Rialto, Olivolo and Malamocco), Cittanova, Grado and Caorle, is an extraordinary element of novelty and vivacity in an historical period traditionally considered critical and recessing. The main feature of these new towns is, apart from their topographic localization in a marshy environment, the enhanced ability of promoting wide range commercial activities based on the incomes coming from the exploitation of the local resources (salt production and fishing). The commercial activities relate to the development of a strong local seamanship able to provide constant and efficient transports on the shallow waters of rivers and lagoons. The new “emerging centers”, often competing against each other, are localized in a political territory that can be considered as a border between the eastern/Byzantine world and the Western Lombard/Carolingian world. The ability to differentiate their relationship with Constantinople or with the élite of the continental kingdoms provides their fortune in becoming true emporia.