Athenagorae qui fertur De Resurrectione Mortuorum (review) (original) (raw)
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J. Verheyden, A. Merkt, and T. Nicklas (eds.), “If Christ has not been raised…”: Studies on the Reception of the Resurrection Stories and the Belief in the Resurrection in the Early Church (NTOA/StUNT 115; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2016), 2016
The treatise De resurrectione, which has survived under the name of Justin Martyr in some extensive fragments, is an exponent of a larger debate about the resurrection in the second and the early third centuries. 1 The fact that resurrection is one of the first theological subjects to which entire writings are devoted, says a lot about the centrality of this topic within the development of Christianity. 2 For Greek intellectuals like Celsus it was a clear example of the barbaric and flesh-bound character of the Christian religion, while within the various currents of Christianity resurrection received vastly different interpretations. Its distinctiveness and its capacity to harbour fundamental questions of existence led to the situation that the right under------1 This article is a revision and elaboration of parts of my master thesis: The Debate about the Resurrection around 180 CE and the 'Hellenization' of Christianity (Leiden University, 2014).
Methodius' Conceptual World in His Treatise De resurrectione
Methodius of Olympus, 2017
The conceptual world of Methodius of Olympus (died c. 311 C.E.) is brought into focus in his treatise On the Resurrection (De resurrectione).1 The document, written by about 310 C.E.,2 is important in displaying the state of discussion of the mind-body problem in the last half of the third century. It asserts the identity of the resurrected body of believers with the body worn in this life. Its primary target is Origen of Alexandria (185-254 C.E.) and his followers, with whose ideas of resurrection Methodius did not agree. The influence of the document against Origen by way of the heresiologist Epiphanius' Panarion against all heresies (375-377 C.E.) has tended to dominate research, but now it would seem that careful study of the Methodian corpus in Greek and an old Slavonic translation can reveal to us more about Methodius, controversy about Origen in the half-century after his death, and the Christianity of late-thirdcentury Asia Minor.3
Some Remarks on the Codex Ambrosianus
e manuscript (F) has a great importance for the study of the Greek Bible, because it contains in its margins Greek glosses (called F b ), as well as a lot of corrections towards the Masoretic text, apparently linked to the Jewish tradition of translations. Cameron Boyd-Taylor focused on this manuscript in the last IOSCS Congress in Ljubljana, particularly emphasizing some links between F b and Judeo-Greek glosses written in Hebrew manuscripts. e purpose of this paper is to examine some paleographical data concerning the codex and its history: its condition when it underwent a general restoration in the Middle Ages (eleventh-twel h centuries); the principles this restoration was based on; some aspects of the "secondary text" of the second tabernacle account copied in fols. 52-55. e medieval work attests to the existence of a Greek Christian milieu where a great, and not so obvious, signi cance was ascribed to the Hebraica Veritas.
In the 1630s, Grotius wasengaged in extensive reading of patristic texts. From his involvement with these texts come the numerous and sometimes extensive quotations from patristic texts in the Annotata of De Veritate, which accompanied the work start ing in 1640. Grotius was particularly interested in the apologetic literature of the ancient Church, which can also be seen in his correspondence. Strikingly, Grotius cites individual passages from texts that had not yet appeared in print, which he could only have learned of from the circle of those who, in 1630s Paris, were working to produce editions of various Greek texts. The texts in question are Cyril of Alexandria, Contra Julianum, and the letter of Barnabas. Grotius had received a handwritten copy of the Barnabas letter, which he later bound into his notebook amid excerpts of patristic texts. This shows the high level of detail at which Grotius knew the patristic texts, and how he moved in the intellectual circles of Paris.