Tense and Aspect Markers of Cirebon Javanese (original) (raw)
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An Extended Study on Tense and Aspect Markers in Pagu
Journal of Language and Literature
This paper revisits four clitics of Pagu (a West-Papuan language spoken in North Halmahera, Indonesia) those that have been described as Tense and Aspect markers (Wimbish 1991): -oka, -ou -osi, and -uli. The first one is considered a tense marker for ‘non-future’ time, while the other three are aspect markers for ‘perfective’, ‘imperfective’, and ‘repetitive’ respectively. Following a metatypy approach (Ross 2006; 2001), I argue that while these clitics have the tense-aspect functions, at the same time under a unified analysis, each should have an extended function vis. a ‘locational marker of space and time’, ‘confirmative’, ‘durative’, and ‘repetitive presupposition marker’, respectively. These meanings and functions are based on the speakers’ interpretation of them in the local lingua franca (a variety of the North Maluku Malay). This supports Bowden’s (2012) argument that the indigenous languages of North Halmahera (Papuan) have influenced the present varieties of Malay spoken a...
Tense, aspect and mood in Dela-Oenale: A language spoken in western Rote, Indonesia.
Unpublish minor thesis, Charles Darwin University, 2008
This paper describes some of the tense, aspect and mood (TAM) subsystems in Dela-Oenale (D-O), a language spoken in western Rote, Nusa Tenggara Timur province, in eastern Indonesia. The description is mainly based on the theoretical discussion of TAM reviewed from the work of Givón (1984), Comrie (1976), Palmer (1988) Chung and Timberlake (1985) and Payne (1997). The analysis of DO TAM subsystems suggested that DO does not have a grammaticalized tense system. It expresses its tense through lexical time reference. Timeframe is marked at the sentence and discourse level and disambiguated by the context of an utterance. DO aspect, on the other hand, is expressed through a number of types of perfective and imperfective aspectual markers, including: ena (perfective), basa (completive), basa…ena (perfect), fee…ena (perfective), serial verbs; nala and hendi (perfective), verbal prefixes-ma-and-mba-(progressive), and various reduplications; V-reduplication, CV-reduplication and full reduplication (progressive and iterative). Meanwhile mood in DO is classified into realis and irrealis mood. The sense of realis mood is apparent in the perfective events, while irrealis mood is expressed through a number of auxiliaries, including: nae, nae'a (irrealis), musi (obligation), bisa, nala, bole, (habilitative), negated bole and afi' (prohibitions), ne'o and mbei ma (probability) and mete ma (conditional).
Tense and Aspect Marking in Kĩmwĩmbĩ
Abstract Tense and aspect marking in Bantu languages is morphological. This means that on the agglutinated verb certain morphemes are affixed to denote different temporal and aspectual dimensions. The forms of these morphemes vary from language to language. This paper seeks to analyze the morphemes that mark tense and aspect on the Kĩmwĩmbĩ verb, a Kenyan Bantu language. The data has been presented in the light of of the Principles and Parameters theory. Data was obtained through subjecting respondents to a structure generations exercise geared towards production of verbs in various tense and aspect dimensions. Data analysis was meant to identify the tense and aspect distinctions in Kĩmwĩmbĩ and the corresponding morphological marking on the agglutinated verb. Key words- Morpheme, perfect, perfective, mood, deixis.
Aspect in Indonesian: free markers versus bound markers
In Indonesian, the expression of aspect generally rests on free pre-verbal markers. Besides, some clitics or affixes that indicate voice or deverbal nominalization can additionally convey an aspectual meaning. The free aspect markers are often loaded with modality meanings. Moreover, they may in certain contexts express modality only, not aspect. This paper describes 14 pre-verbal aspect/mood markers (sedang, tengah, lagi, semakin, terus, masih, tetap, sempat, sudah, telah, pernah, baru, belum, akan) and proposes a sorting of their aspectual (and modal, if applicable) features. Particular attention is paid to the marker sudah, which displays a wide range of modal and/or aspectual meanings. Contemporary written Indonesian seemingly uses more and more combinations of markers: two preverbal aspect/mood free markers preposed to the verb. Using the Internet as a corpus, we found 72 different combinations of two aspect markers. The marker compounds obey three combination rules that highlight the core features of each marker. Turning to the bound markers, I examine the aspectual features of the verbal prefix ter– (so called 'accidental passive') as opposed to the passive prefix di–. I also deal with a less noticed aspectual opposition between the deverbal nominalization confix peN– –an and enclitic =nya. I argue that the deverbal nominalization using =nya retains in fact a predicative role, embedding the indication of a perfect aspect. Moreover, the perfect aspect specified by ter– or = nya will additionally lead to the localization of the event in the past, if no other indication of time is available in the context. The Indonesian free markers and the bound markers, although morphologically and syntactically distinct, are often associated in discourse, and should be regarded as components of a comprehensive aspectual system.
ARKA, I Wayan, 2013. 'On the typology and syntax of TAM in Indonesian'. In John BOWDEN (ed.), Tense, aspect, mood and evidentiality in languages of Indonesia. NUSA 55. Pages [Permanent URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10108/74324\] On the typology and syntax of TAM in Indonesian I Wayan ARKA Australian National University/Universitas Udayana This paper discusses Indonesian tense-aspect-modality (TAM): its typology as well as its structural and semantic properties. It is demonstrated that Indonesian TAM is of the morphosemantic and contextual type. While having no grammatical TAM, Indonesian shows a finiteness constraint. Certain control verbs such as ingin 'wish' take truncated complements where finite auxiliaries akan/sudah/sedang 'will/already/in the process of' are not allowed. The paper discusses the morphosemantic TAM associated with =nya nominalisation. It is argued that this nominalisation is one of the constructional resources used to imply a past temporal axis. There is evidence that certain structures involved in =nya nominalisation are of the equational-identificational type, while others are of the adjunct type.
Philippe Grangé - Aspect and modality in Indonesian The case of sudah, telah, pernah, and sempat
2010
In this paper, I describe four Indonesian aspect markers, sudah, telah, pernah, and sempat, showing that the main opposition between them relies not only on their aspectual meanings, but also on the various modalities they express. The opposition between the very frequent markers sudah and telah is analysed in detail. The syntactic and semantic survey shows that these two markers are not synonyms in most contexts.
Aspect and modality in Indonesian The case of sudah, telah, pernah, and sempat
Wacana, Journal of the Humanities of Indonesia, 2010
In this paper, I describe four Indonesian aspect markers, sudah, telah, pernah, and sempat, showing that the main opposition between them relies not only on their aspectual meanings, but also on the various modalities they express. The opposition between the very frequent markers sudah and telah is analysed in detail. The syntactic and semantic survey shows that these two markers are not synonyms in most contexts.
Aspectualized futures in Indonesian and English
Indonesian has three morphemes that are commonly used to express futurity, namely 'akan', 'mau', and 'pasti'. I argue that for certain speakers, the meanings of these three morphemes all contain a future modal, and that two of the morphemes (mau and pasti) each additionally include as part of their meaning a different aspectual operator (progressive-like and generic-like respectively) affecting the temporal argument of the accessibility relation of the modal. These combinations of aspect and a future modal I will call “aspectualized futures.” Throughout, I compare the Indonesian future forms with those in English: 'will' and 'be going to'. I propose that be going to is aspectually similar to 'mau', while 'will' is ambiguous between an 'akan' reading and a 'pasti' reading. I discuss as well a slightly different dialect of Indonesian in which the meanings of 'akan' and 'mau' are different.