A Grammarian’s Life in his own Voice: Autobiographical Fragments in Arabic Biographical Literature (original) (raw)

Religious Autobiography: Al-Munqidh mina al-Ḍalāl as an Example

Millennium Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences

This study examines the autobiographical nature of Abū Ḥamid Al-Ghazālī’s well-known autobiography, Al-Munqidh mina al-Ḍalāl, or shortly Munqidh, as known in the West. The article places Al-Ghazālī’s autobiography within the tradition of autobiographical writing in classical Arabic, particularly religious and mystical autobiographies. Special focus is given to the notion of ‘conversion’ as it is the main plot and theme of the autobiography. The study also aims to show that this autobiography is better understood in light of modern research which emphasizes that this genre, especially in medieval ages, was not only partially shaped by certain values and purposes in the moment of composition, but also was significantly crafted to achieve specific purposes and values. Keywords: autobiography, religious autobiography, Munqidh, conversion

Abū ʿAmr ʿUthmān al-Abharī: A Master of Ibn al-ʿArabī

Journal of the Muhyiddin Ibn 'Arabi Society, 2020

In early Muḥarram 632 / October 1234, Ibn al-ʿArabī (d. 638/1240) wrote a letter in Damascus to an Ayyubid sovereign, giving him a general authorization (ijāza ʿāmma) for transmitting his teachings embodied in his corpus. Known as the Authorization to the Ruler al-Muẓaffar (Ijāza li-l-Malik al-Muẓaffar), the letter listed the names of around 290 of Ibn al-ʿArabī’s writings, and 71 of his teachers. Some of those teachers are well known, while the identities of the majority, especially those who trained Ibn al-ʿArabī in the East, are still vague. This study introduces the life and teachings of one of these foggy figures: Abū ʿAmr ʿUthmān al-Abharī al-Shāfiʿī (fl. 602/1206). The paper argues that al-Abharī is a significant yet neglected pietist, who met Ibn al-ʿArabī in Jerusalem. He was an ascetic traditionist authorized in Damascus by a leading Shāfiʿī expert of prophetic sayings (ḥadīth), and the author of a Sufi treatise that came to be popular with its attribution to the prominent scholars Najm al-Dīn Kubrā (d. 618/1221), ʿUmar al-Suhrawardī (d. 632/1234), Yaḥyā al-Suhrawardī (d. 587/1191), Athīr al-Dīn al-Abharī (d. 663/1265), and Aḥmad Zarrūq (d. 899/1494). There are also good reasons to identify this teacher of Ibn al-ʿArabī with the vizier of the last two Great Saljuqī sultans, who chose an ascetic interpretation of the Sufi path after abandoning his political career, although this study does not reveal conclusive evidence for this identification.

A CONTEXTUAL STUDY OF 'AWDATU MAJD AL-MARKAZ OF 'ABDUL-WĀHID JUMU'AH ARIYIBI

The basic necessity for literary composition among the Yorubas according to 'Abdul-Rahmon was essentially to teach the value of their religion. He asserts that since poetry is generally believed to have an emotional effect and to be easier to memorise than prose, it became an effective means especially for didactic purposes 1. An eminent Muslim scholar, 'Ādam al-'Ilūrī also maintains in his writings that some of the factors which make versification of prose works relevant to Yoruba scholars are: Preaching, guidance and eulogy of the prophet (SAW) 2. Although, it is not an easy task to count early Yoruba scholars who have tried their hands on pedagogical Arabic poems on a finger tip but notwithstanding, effort shall be made to mention some. 'Abdul-Rahmon, in his thematic and stylistic study of Arabic poetry in Ibadan (1876-1976) states scholars like: Shaykh 'Ahmad Rufa'ī Bello (Oke-Are), Shaykh Hārun Kātibī, Shaykh Mudathir 'Abd-al-Salām, Shaykh Sanūsī Alaka, to mention but few 3. Likewise, 'Abūbakre (2004) also enumerates among others scholars like: Tāj-al-'Adab 4 , 'Ādam 'Abdullah al-Ilūrī, and 'Ahmad Būsairī 5. In Ilorin also, the following are not scholars without merits: 'Ahmad Yarima, 'Ahmad Belgore (d.1913), and 'Ahmad b. 'Abī-Bakr Ikokoro (b. 1870) whose magnum opus is the book entitled "Akhbār al-Qurūn min 'Umarā Ilūrī"-centuries report about Ilorin Emirs 6 .

Literarisierung Reconsidered in the Context of Sultanic Biography: The Case of Shāfiʿ b. ʿAlī's Sīrat al-Nāṣir Muḥammad (BnF ms Arabe 1705

New Readings in Arabic Historiography from Late Medieval Egypt and Syria: Proceedings of the themed day of the Fifth Conference of the School of Mamluk Studies , 2021

While the historiography of late medieval Egypt and Syria is exceptionally well documented and many, if not most, of its major sources have by now been edited and studied, manuscript repositories still contain several historical texts that have received little to no attention from scholars. This essay will present one such unpublished and mostly unstudied excerpt of a historical biography devoted to Sultan al-Nāṣir Muḥammad (r. 693-4/1293-4, 698-708/1299-1309, 709-41/1309-41) preserved in the manuscript Arabe 1705, held by the Bibliothèque Nationale de France in Paris. It will be argued that its author can be identified as Shāfiʿ b. ʿAlī (d. 730/1330), who also wrote two well-known historical biographies of the sultans Baybars (r. 658-76/1260-77) and Qalāwūn (r. 678-89/1281-90). Using this particular text as a case study, I will discuss how the concept of "Literarisierung," first applied to Mamluk historiography by Ulrich Haarmann almost half a century ago, may still be used fruitfully to think about how historiography and literary modes of expression interacted. In a famous article published in 1971, Ulrich Haarmann argued that historiography in late medieval Egypt and Syria underwent a particular innovation, which he defined as a "Literarisierung der inneren Form," or "literarization of the inner form." According to Haarmann, the chronicles and biographical dictionaries produced between the 7th/13th and early 10th/16th centuries should not be considered as innovative in their formal, outer form, as they generally adhered to characteristics set by earlier precedents. There was, however, something distinctive about their inner form (i.e., on the level of individual segments within the larger works). At this level, one would come across a much higher attestation of literary elements, that is, anecdotes, topoi, colloquialisms, and especially miraculous stories, ʿajāʾib wa-gharāʾib pervading the annalistic historical narratives.1 This argument and related observations from Haarmann's dissertation, Quellenstudien zur frühen Mamlukenzeit, sparked a