Enculturation and Education in Shanti Nagar Ruth S. Freed and Stanley A. Freed (original) (raw)

CHILD DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIALISATION: A COMPARITIVE STUDY OF TWO CULTURES

This study examines the parental socialization practices, beliefs and goals for their children in two cultures in India; the Tamil Brahmins from Chennai and the Maharashtrian Brahmins from Pune to understand the practices of these groups and to know if they are similar or different. Both groups are privileged in terms of caste and have the advantage of culture; and both the groups fare well in terms of educational attainments and occupational standings. Given such a background, historically, and post independence, the two groups have different political and ecological experiences. The broad objective of the study was then to understand any differences between the groups in the way they socialize their children.

The human nature of culture and education

WIREs Cognitive Science, 2014

Human cultures educate children with different strategies. Ancient hunter‐gatherers 200,000 years ago, with bodies and brains like our own, in bands of a hundred well‐known individuals or less, depended on spontaneous cooperative practice of knowledge and skills in a natural world. Before creating language, they appreciated beautiful objects and music. Anthropologists observe that similar living cultures accept that children learn in playful ‘intent participation’. Large modern industrial states with millions of citizens competing in a global economy aim to instruct young people in scientific concepts and the rules of literacy and numeracy deemed important for employment with elaborate machines. Our psychobiological theories commonly assume that an infant starts with a body needing care and emotional regulation and a mind that assimilates concepts of objects by sensorimotor action and requires school instruction in rational principles after several years of cognitive development. Ev...

Culture, infancy and education

European Journal of Psychology of Education, 1989

The English word infant is derived from the Latin infans meaning «without speech». In German (Saugling) and Duch (zuigeIing), an infant is somebody who sucks (at the breast). The French equivalent (nourrisson) reflects that it is an organism which has to be fed. In Czech (kojenec) it is derived from the verb kojit meaning to nurse. Thus, when speech is acquired and feeding can be carried out independently, the period of infancy begins to give way to early childhood. In some non-Western cultures, other sorts of markers may be used to denote this transition which rely more on social phenomena than on maturational or chronological indicators. For example, the Kipsigis of western Kenya define the transition primarily in relation to the birth of the next child (Harkness & Super, 1983). Cultures also differ in terms of defining what are the critical features of development during infancy (leVine, 1977) and thereby what behaviours are preferentially encouraged (or discouraged) by the caretakers (Super, 1981). It is important to appreciate differences in the culturally-constructed meaning of infancy as they provide a better understanding of the variations that manifest themselves in panhuman forms of early educational practice. The crucial, and largely unanswered, question relates to the functional significance of these variations: in what ways do they share common concerns and in what ways do they constitute adaptations to the local environment of the culture? The answers have important consequences for the acceptability and efficacy of any international programs of aid concerned with parental and child health. While there are some notable exceptions, most research concerned with cultural comparisons of infant behaviour and development is simply not up to providing appropriate answers. Understanding the nature of the initial phase of human nurture has suffered from a neglect of the early environment of education in such comparisons. Variousjustifications have been offered for carrying out cross-cultural research on infancy (or what Leiderman, 'Iulkin & Rosenfeld, 1977, prefer to term comparative child development studies). For the present purposes, four reasons or aims can be identified.

Children's Experience During Cultural Change

Child Development Perspectives, 2018

The process of globalization is widespread, with consequences for social and psychological development. Cultural changes associated with globalization are manifested in children's experiences-how they spend their time, interact with one another, and learn about the world. To illustrate, in this article, we describe findings from research that examined children's behaviors when formal schooling is established, the economic base changes, and small-scale traditional communities incorporate elements from industrialized societies. The effect of cultural change on children's development is a bidirectional process, and certain characteristics of childhood may make young people more likely to be early adopters of resources that are introduced during change. We conclude by stressing the need for more research and theory on children's contribution to cultural change. KEYWORDS-culture change; child development; child learning From the very beginning, [we] grow up. .. in the midst of objects and activity patterns designed by humans for human purpose. As everyday environments change, patterns of human growth change. (White & Pillemer, 2005, p. 4) Playing outside is OK, but inside is better because the electrical outlets are there.-10-year-old Los Angeles boy Connections between everyday experience and the cultural practices and tools that support them are not static-they change over time as culture changes. This dynamic process occurs throughout life. In this article, we focus on children. Much learning occurs during childhood, and children's engagement in new activities and tools (e.g., social media) has garnered societal concern. Indeed, researchers increasingly report on how experience with certain tools, such as screen-based technology, affects development (Barr & Linebarger, 2017). Yet a theoretical account is needed to integrate this research to discover what it tells us about children and cultural change and, perhaps, human development itself. Our work is motivated by globalization, which is rapidly transforming people and places worldwide. Cultural changes associated with globalization modify the work people do, how they carry out domestic activities, how children are cared for and educated, and links between the community and the world beyond. These changing conditions of life inform development because they expose children to new and recurrent modes of acting, interacting, and learning. Examining this process is important for understanding child development in industrialized and nonindustrialized societies, both of which are experiencing rapid changes associated with globalization. The focus on everyday experiences is important because through them, children develop the social and cognitive skills, attitudes, and values that form the interests, competencies, and commitments of the rising generation. Many regular experiences contribute to psychological growth, including routines, culturally organized behaviors, and rituals (Goodnow, Miller, & Kessel, 1995; Whiting & Edwards, 1988). The repeated and reinforced nature of these experiences makes them a powerful context for learning because they provide numerous opportunities (trials) to practice new behaviors, see other people (models) doing them, and obtain feedback regarding performance (instruction, guidance, reinforcement). Here, we describe these ideas and then suggest how developmental science can advance understanding of child development during cultural change.