The conservative use of civil society in Brazil: the influence of the First World War on the political thought of Oliveira Vianna (original) (raw)
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O pensamento social de Oliveira Vianna e a cidadania no Brasil -- de 1920 ao fim da década de 1940
Revista Habitus, 2009
O artigo aborda as relacoes de influencia mutua entre o pensamento social de Oliveira Vianna e a vida politica do pais nos anos 20 e 30. Este intelectual nos oferece uma condicao de estudo especial, pois as ideias presentes em seu primeiro livro, Populacoes Meridionais do Brasil, de 1920, antecipam e - tomo como hipotese - participam da estruturacao dos debates e das disputas politicas que resultaram na Revolucao de 30 e, posteriormente, no Estado Novo. O Estado Novo, que utilizou-se institucionalmente das teorias de Vianna e, por outro lado, pelo sociologo foi estudado, obrigando-o inclusive a reformular suas teorias, foi incapaz de criar uma “Sociedade Nova”, integralmente moderna e plenamente constituida de uma cultura de direitos, como idealizou Vianna em seus livros das decadas de 1920 e 1930. No fim da decada de 1940, com o fim da ditadura Vargas, Vianna reformula suas ideias das decadas anteriores, repensando o papel do Estado como portador social da mudanca.
Brazilian State and Society Towards a Global Interpretation
symposium on "The Comparative Analysis of the Whole Society, " World Congress of the International Sociological Association, Uppsala, Sweden, August, 1978
Presented is a historical synthesis of the development of the modern Brazilian state since its patrimonial origin. The peculiarity of its patrimonialism is examined against the historical background of Spanish-American patterns of state building. The process of bureaucratization & the institutionalization of a legal-rational pattern of authority during the nineteenth century is examined through the role of the Guarda Nacional, a corporation of freemen & honoratiores in care of administrative tasks. The dynamics of the modern state are interpreted by examining the trends toward increasing centralization & bureaucratic authoritarianism as well as the collective demands for social & political participation. The role of the positivist ideology, well adjusted to the centralized character of the new bureaucratic administration, is examined. Dynamics are also illustrated by examining two approaches to education in the second quarter of this century: the liberal & scientific strategy sponsored by the U system in Sao Paulo vs. the technical & positivist one sponsored by the federal administration. Original, historical sources are interpreted. (Copyright 1978, Sociological Abstracts, Inc., all rights reserved.).
In: Entrepreneurs, State and Interest Representation in Brazil (1889-1990), 2003
The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the ways in which private interests engage with the Brazilian State apparatus in two distinct historical moments: during the Estado Novo and during the period of the military dictatorship. With regard to the first experience, I analyze the institution that substituted the houses of political representatives (at the state and federal levels) that were made extinct by the 1937 Constitution: the Conselhos Administrativos dos estados (CAEs). In relation to the latter moment, I discuss the predominance, in the area of economic policy, of a considerable number of inter-ministry councils, and their prevailing role in the decision-making system. These two cases, which are particularly illustrative of the forms taken by State-society relationships in Brazil, exemplify the complementary modes of "economic corporatism" and "political corporatism" in non-democratic contexts. The specific goal of this research is the attempt to comprehend both the general logic and the specificities that prevail in these political structures. I consider two major periods in the history of Republican Brazil: 1930-1945, and 1964-1985.
The organization and structure of Brazilian central government have drastically changed from monarchic period (1824-1889) to the recent democratic time. However, it is possible to identify a convergence between some Brazilian authors who have, more than reflected about state reform in Brazil, acted on it: Visconde do Uruguai (minister and Senator during the first empire period in Brazil, responsible for important state reform at his time – 1830 to 1852); Oliveira Viana (bureaucrat on Getulio Vargas’s term and responsible for important changes on state structure and its relation with trade unions in Brazil during the 1930’s); Guerreiro Ramos (sociologist and bureaucrat at Public Service Administration Department responsible for the Brazilian bureaucratic state reform from 1940 to 1964); and Bresser-Pereira (minister of Ministry of Federal Administration and State Reform during Fernando Henrique Cardoso’s first term – 1995 to 1998 – whom was responsible for the current managerialization of the Brazilian state). The interesting about these authors-political actors is that, during their respective periods and respecting their perceptions about Brazilian policy and society, they supposed that reforming the administrative structure of the state they could change national political culture of the people. During their political actions as Brazilian bureaucrats they searched (each one on his manner and time) for the self-government, the democracy or its qualification.
BETWEEN THE OLD REPUBLIC AND THE NEW STATE: CONSTRUCTING SOCIAL ORDER IN RIO DE JANEIRO, 1930–1937
This thesis traces the Brazilian central government’s approaches to maintaining control in the federal capital of Rio de Janeiro during the period from 1930 through 1937. After taking over power in late 1930, President Getúlio Vargas and his allies set out to redefine the role of the state. Their fundamental objective was to undermine the rural oligarchy that had controlled politics within Brazil over the previous four decades by courting the loyalty of the urban laboring classes. To this end, Vargas created the Ministry of Labor, charged with overseeing relations between capitalists, workers, and the state. This new ministry formed part of a larger strategy of corporatism that aimed to ensure broad-based government support through the passage of pro-laborer legislation and the promotion of state-sponsored syndicates. During the first two years of Vargas’s administration, corporatist ideology guided many of the government’s actions. Few systematic efforts were made to exert direct control over non-aligned groups. Instead, the government focused on rationalizing bureaucratic processes in hopes of incorporating civilians into its ambitious attempt to reorient Brazilian society. The outbreak of rebellion in the large city of São Paulo in 1932 revealed the shortcomings of this approach to fostering allegiance. Shortly thereafter, fears of communism began to permeate the highest levels of society. As a result, the government began to shift its central focus from an ideology of corporatism to a mentality of control. The effects of this shift played out most clearly in Rio, as a select few leaders within the Vargas administration supervised efforts to expand the state’s authority. By combining a positivist approach to streamlining bureaucratic functions with a willingness to personally intervene when tension arose, these leaders ensured the continued dominance of the Vargas government. Surveillance became constant as the city’s police partnered with the Ministry of Labor in order to detect all forms of discontent. Oversight of syndicates increased, with strict requirements implemented for the reporting of group activities. Additionally, the central government worked to strengthen its ability to censor newspapers and other forms of media. Through the control of public dialogue and the emphasis of radical threats, the state created a climate of suspicion within the metropolis. Individuals perceived as threats faced harsh treatment in overcrowded jails, prisons, and work camps. Gradually, the bureaucracy refined its mechanisms of punishment, further increasing repressive state capacity. Through this build up of authoritarian power, I argue, the Vargas government eliminated opponents and closed the gap between itself and civil society. By late 1937, the state had eradicated all viable opposition, facilitating the president’s public assumption of unchecked authority.
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The book is divided into seven chapters that investigate pivotal moments and key players that contributed to the fall of the military regime and the establishment of democratic institutions. Pitts employs a creative writing methodology, covering various historical junctures over two decades during the dictatorship, thus transforming the act of reading the book into a delightful experience. In the first two chapters, Pitts laid the foundations of his theses on the role of the political class in the democratization of Brazil. The book narrates a historically relevant confrontation between the military and the political elite due to the resurgence of a left-wing student movement, in which some of the prominent figures were precisely the sons and daughters of politicians.
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This article aims to demonstrate that the Republic proclaimed in Brazil on November 15, 1889 is fragile because, in addition to having emerged without the participation of the Brazilian people thanks to a military coup, it was characterized throughout 133 years of history by the attempts and the occurrence of numerous coups d'état and the existence of 81 years of oligarchic and dictatorial governments and only 52 years of relative democracy. The Republic only assumed democratic airs in Brazil from 1946 to 1964 and from 1988 until the present moment without having been truly democratic. It is necessary that a truly democratic Republic be implanted in Brazil so that the governments make the common interest prevail, the interest of the community, as opposed to private interests and private business, as has always been the case in Brazil in the 133 years since the Proclamation of the Republic. Despite the 1988 Constitution being the most democratic in the history of Brazil, it needs to be greatly improved to provide Brazil with a truly democratic Republic with the construction of a Social Welfare State that ensures the supreme interests of the entire Brazilian population without exception and also prevent the occurrence of new coups d'état to implant dictatorships in Brazil.
1991) A política comercial do Brasil no contexto internacional, 1889-1945
Revista História e Economia, 2011
Brasília, 21 março 2009, 24 p. Paper preparado para o VIII Congresso Brasileiro de História Econômica - ABPHE (Campinas, 6 a 8 de setembro de 2009; Módulo III: Brasil República). Publicação na Revista História e Economia (vol. 8, n. 1, 1º semestre de 2011, p. 59-78; ISSN: 1808-5318). Relação de Publicados n. 1052.
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Historia Constitucional, 2019
The word liberal was a constant presence in the speeches of the main leaders of the Brazilian State process of independence and formation. However, it's important to understand the different concepts of liberalism that were used by the political speech, frequently not linked to the reality. In fact, the new country stands firm to the Portuguese heritage, seeing in the authoritarian centralism of the monarchy the key to the State organization. Order, stability and unity are common values that guide political leaders of different orientations, placing themselves above any transformer project, especially those who could touch the social and economic structures centered on slavery.