The Condition of New York City High Schools: Examining Trends and Looking toward the Future. Data Brief (original) (raw)

Accounting for the effects of increased high school graduation expectations on pupil performance and resource allocation: results from New York State

Economics of Education Review, 2000

Increases in high school graduation requirements are prompting interest in the consequences for students, taxpayers, and educators. This study examines the experiences of New York State school districts that increased student participation between 1992 and 1996 in a statewide testing program that historically has been designed for college-bound students. The study includes statistical comparisons based on the universe of school districts in the State as well as the results of an intensive set of selective case studies. The results show that many different types of districts moved to increase participation levels during the study period and that increases in participation levels were associated with (a) modest declines in the percentage of students passing the exams; (b) unchanged drop-out rates; (c) increases in spending that were similar in magnitude to increases found in districts with little or no increase in participation; and (d) increases in professional staffing levels in core instructional areas. Implications for policy are explored.

An Analysis of New Small High Schools\u27 On-Time Graduation Rates in New York City

2017

Beginning in 2002, with the election of Mayor Michael Bloomberg, New York City’s Department of Education undertook an unprecedented overhaul of the largest school district in the United States. Over the next 10 years the Department of Education closed more than 25 large, underperforming high schools, and created almost 200 new, small high schools, which, by the end of the decade, were serving approximately 30% of public high school students in the city. The first classes began graduating in 2006, and many of the “New Small Schools” graduated more students on time than many of the large schools they had replaced, in some cases even surpassing the citywide average. These increased graduation rates played a role in the increase in New York City’s overall 4-year graduation rate from consistently around 50% in the late 1990s to more than 66% by 2012. This study analyzed the graduation rates and the odds of on-time graduation for all students attending the 172 New Small Schools created be...

A Review of Greene (2002) High School Graduation Rates in the United States

Practical Assessment, Research, and Evaluation, 2005

The "Greene Method" of calculating school "graduation rates" and the Manhattan Institute (MI) criticisms of official graduation and completion statistics are outlined and scrutinized. The methodology fails to recognize the complexity of the issue and appears to ignore the considerable efforts that have been undertaken by education statisticians to remediate the problems inherent to these types of data. The Greene method for calculating completion ratios is simulated and found to have little to no reliability. It is recommended that anyone intent on reporting valid and reliable education indicators avoid use of the Greene Method.

A Descriptive Analysis of Expanded Pathways to Graduation in New York State

2019

The Regional Educational Laboratory Northeast and Islands (REL-NEI) partnered with the New York State Education Department (NYSED) to examine the pathways used by students to attain a Regents diploma at the outset of a new policy expanding those pathways in June 2015. Under the new 4+1 pathways policy, students could replace one of the two required social studies Regents exams with another approved assessment in one of several subjects to earn a NYSED-recognized Regents diploma. The analysis, based in part on assessment data that are not publicly available, shows that 2.3 percent of Regents earners in the 2013 cohort, those who were in grade 9 in the fall of 2013, earned their Regents diploma by replacing one of the two social studies Regents exams with another approved assessment. These data represent a snapshot of the initial stage of implementing the expanded pathways to graduation policy during which districts did not yet have complete procedures for data reporting fully in plac...

Beating the odds: How thirteen NYC schools bring low-performing ninth-graders to timely graduation and college enrollment

2008

Across the nation, urban school districts struggle to raise often abysmally low high school graduation rates. New York City, with a four-year graduation rate of 57 percent, is no exception. Yet, some high schools in New York, as elsewhere, succeed beyond expectations in bringing students with low academic skills and high needs to graduation in four years, followed by enrollment in college. This report describes a follow-up qualitative study, conducted in 2006 by the Annenberg Institute for School Reform, of a small group of New York City high schools that, according to 2001 data, were “beating the odds” in preparing low-performing ninth- grade students for timely high school grad- uation and college going. The thirteen schools included two long-established technical-vocational schools, nine small high schools created between 1993 and 1998, and two high schools created in the reconstitution of large, failing high schools.

Measuring High School Graduation Rates: A Review of the Literature

2007

2004). An estimated 68% of all high school students graduated each year in the US while approximately a third dropped out (Swanson, 2004). For minority students, Blacks, Hispanics, and Native Americans, the graduation rate was even lower at approximately 50% (Swanson, 2004). These findings have not been disputed. Researchers have found, however, that graduation rates were even lower in large urban school districts and in many districts across the US (Swanson, 2004). Swanson found that New York City, Detroit, and Baltimore had graduation rates below 40%. Detroit, with the 11 th largest school district, had the lowest graduation rate in the U.S. at 21.7%. Fourteen major urban school districts in the U.S. had graduation rates below 50%. Miami, Dallas, Denver, Milwaukee, Los Angeles, Cleveland, and Houston also had graduation rates below 50% (Swanson, 2004). The growing overall trend in research on graduation rates showed that the rate was much lower than the accepted national yearly average of 68%. Graduation rates have come under increased attention and scrutiny because of the accountability and yearly progress requirements of the No Child Left Behind Act (2001). In 2007, researchers found that many US high schools were "drop out factories" because their graduation rates were below 60% (Balfanz & Legters, 2004). Balfanz and Legters found that "there are currently between 900 and 1,000 high schools in the country in which graduating is at Measuring Graduation Rates 3 best a 50/50 proposition" and "half or more of high school students do not graduate" (p. 2). Almost 30 percent of all students entering high school in the U.S. never graduate (Greene & Winters, 2005). Drop out rates were much higher for minority students which was termed "an invisible crisis" (Orfield, Losen, Wald, & Swanson, 2004). Orfield et al. (2004) found the following regarding the minority drop out rate: Nationally, high school graduation rates are low for all students, with only an estimated 68% of those who enter 9th grade graduating with a regular diploma in12th grade. But, as the table below [Appendix A] makes clear, they are substantially lower for most minority groups, and particularly for males. According to the calculations used in this report, in 2001, only 50% of all black students, 51% of Native American students, and 53% of all Hispanic students graduated from high school. Black, Native American, and Hispanic males fare even worse: 43%, 47%, and 48% respectively. (p. 2) These findings have been challenged and disputed (Kaufman, 2001; Mishel & Roy, 2006). Mishel and Roy found that graduation rates had increased steadily over the past 40 years. They argued that, based on their data, the claims of a graduation "crisis" were exaggerated and based on flawed and inaccurate data (Mishel & Roy, 2006, p. 11). They found that using enrollment and diploma data was inaccurate because it did not track students who transferred to another school or district (Mishel & Roy, 2006, p. 8). Mishel and Roy (2006) relied on actual student experiences and U.S. Census Bureau Current Population Survey (CPS) data of households, which was a more accurate procedure because it took into account those students who transferred. Research that relies on the Departure Method is inaccurate and misleading because it does not take into account the number of students who transfer, move, die, or enroll in career and alternative education programs Research that uses Departure Method data is alarmist and sensationalized to focus attention on graduation rates and making changes to the NCLBA The more accurate Cohort Method is used in a minority of states and requires more time and resources to implement Using the more accurate and detailed Cohort Method, however, results in research findings that do not show a crisis in graduation rates Even under the Cohort Method, researchers have found that approximately a third of all US high school students do not graduate Graduation rates can be increased by allowing at risk students to take career and technical training courses (CTE), by providing adult mentors to minority students, by increasing student self-esteem, and by increased parental involvement and encouragement Azzam, A. (2007). Why students drop out.

New Stakes and Standards, Same Ol' Spending? Evidence from New York City High Schools

Education Finance and Policy, 2007

In 1996, the New York State Education Department began requiring all graduating high school students (starting with the Class of 1999) to pass rigorous end-of-course (Regents) exams in five subjects. This study explores whether the New York City Department of Education and New York City high schools have responded to these new standards by re-allocating resources, and whether the reallocation patterns systematically differ among high and low graduation rate schools. The analyses draw on a six-year balanced panel of school-level data (1997)(1998)(1999)(2000)(2001)(2002), constructed from a variety of New York City data sources. We model school-level resources as a function of school and student characteristics, including school graduation rates and school fixed effects. Regression analyses reveal large increases in direct services spending over this time period (1997 to 2002), while the percentage of more experienced and educated teachers fell. We find little evidence, though, of differential patterns across high and low graduation rate schools, with the exception of teacher experience and licensure, which show some evidence of significantly larger increases in schools with lower graduation rates. Non-personnel expenditures also show some evidence of differential spending patterns. The findings suggest that schools may have limited ability to redeploy non-teacher resources in the short-term. While other funds may be re-allocated, these represent a small share of total school resources.