Semi-presidentialism, moderating power and inclusive governance. The experience of Timor-Leste in consolidating democracy (original) (raw)
Related papers
Semi-presidentialism is usually considered a problematic choice for new democracies. It is widely believed that the existence of a president and a prime minister at the helm of the state introduces competing incentives into the system, leading to conflict and democratic instability. According to this logic, the ideological distance between the president and prime minister explains the intensity of conflict: the greater the ideological gap between the two leaders, the more conflict is expected. Countries where the executive is unified, so the argument goes, are less likely to experience democratic instability because the president and prime minister are from the same party. This argument was tested in Timor-Leste where its semi-presidential system generated three different political forms of government: cohabitation, divided government, and unified majority government. More conflict was found under cohabitation than under the other two forms and more conflict emerged under a divided government than under a unified majority government. The Timor-Leste case supports the argument that cohabitation generates institutional tension and conflict. Yet, despite conflict, Timor-Leste’s premier-presidential system, a semi-presidential subtype, regulated institutional conflict and democracy survived. More research is needed, therefore, into the relative merits of premier-presidentialism for new democracies.
in (ed.) Michael Leach et al., Understanding Timor-Leste: 131-139, Hawthorn, Swinburne Press, Australia, 2010
The relative merits of both presidentialism and parliamentarianism have been widely discussed for well over two centuries. In the last generation, a comparative newcomer, ‗semi-presidentialism', has joined the intellectual fray 1 . As the case of the two earlier notions, such captive place-holding at High of course a reflection of the real-world political importance of what is at issue at levels like that of representation of community or its leadership. But in the latter's case, there is more: discussions of ‗semipresidentialism', quite clearly, present us with what amounts to what amount to both simpler and rather more complicated issues. I want to contend that this should not come as a surprise. If we take a close political look at ‗semi-presidential systems of government' it readily becomes clear that these are strange entities, indeed. At one level, this in little more than an expression of the hybridism of the notion. But we may go further than thisand I believe Timor-Leste provides us with a good case in point of a composite ‗altered' form of ‗semi-presidentialism', which we gain in scrutinizing.
Political Institutions in East Timor
Political Institutions in East Timor, 2016
presents a thorough and comprehensive analysis of the formative years of this innovative experience. Based on her doctoral thesis, the book attains the highest standards of academic proficiency: it includes a comprehensive survey of the existing literature; is grounded in fieldwork during which the author engaged with all the relevant actors; and provides a cogent analytical framework. The book begins with an introduction to the theoretical debates on the relationship between semi-presidentialism and democracy, followed by a characterization of the Timorese case, positing that it falls into the "premier-presidential" sub-type of semi-presidentialism, i.e., one in which the survival of government depends solely on parliamentary support. Chapter 3 offers a historical overview of the framework through which semi-presidentialism was derived. Chapters 4 and 5 discuss the notions of "cohabitation" and "divided government" during two different periods under President Xanana Gusmão, before Chapter 6 addresses the "unified majority government" under President Jose Ramos-Horta. Chapter 7 discusses the main findings pertaining to the relationship between semipresidentialism and democracy, and suggests that the former "facilitated institutional conflict" (p. 121) even if at the end of the day democracy survived. Finally, in Chapter 8, Beuman offers a
Procedures, perspectives, politics and peace: The 2012 national elections in TimorLeste
The 2012 national elections in Timor-Leste were deemed free and fair by international observers and have been taken as an indicator that the young country is progressing towards democratisation and peace. While the conduct of elections is used to measure the relative success or failure of democracy and state-building in Timor-Leste, this paper argues that focusing on procedures alone ignores many of the nuances of how and why people engage in national political processes. Understanding such perspectives may offer important insight into ongoing social changes and the prospects for peace and stable governance. In this paper, I first consider literature on the promotion and measurement of democracy in post-conflict countries, including Timor-Leste, and then introduce findings from research conducted during the 2012 elections.
“East Timor’s Political Transition, Interim Processes, and Legitimacy”
Transition towards independence is most often than not a difficult road to cross. Leaderhsip challenges are amongst the most important mark to overcome. Timor-Leste succeeded in that regard. Nevertheless, statebuilding continues to bring about opportunities for the leaders to prove their ability to lead in this post-modern era where everything demands transparency and trust of the people depends on the degree of transparency in the process of governance. Like most countries, post-war or post-conflict countries, Timor-Leste has had its quota part of crises; like only a few that has succeeded, Timor-Leste can be proud of its achievement after only five years (since 2000) of transition and independence period, and looking at today, 2012, seven years since this paper was written, there is much to be proud of. Security and stability, national reconciliation and harmony are part of this reason to be proud. Critical sectors such as health and education, agriculture and infrastructures, have also move forward since then, but due to the mega nature of these sectors and, particularly, due to the difficulties inherent in post-conflict political environment, much more are still waiting to be done. If the last ten years of independence (May 20, 2002 to May 20, 2012) are to be fair indicators, Timor-Leste will succeed in overcoming these challenges to become a model for other developing countries facing similar challenges in their respective and unique road towards becoming a viable liberal democratic Nation-State.
Introduction : East Timorese politics in transition
The Politics of Timor Leste Democratic Consolidation After Intervention, 2012
This edited collection examines key issues in the contemporary politics of Timor-Leste. In particular, it focuses on democratic consolidation and the ongoing development of political institutions during an especially critical period for the young nation: the transition from more than a decade of international state-building assistance. It assesses challenges that have burdened the young state since formal independence in 2002 and considers its future prospects. Issues of particular focus include constitutional debates, political party formation, the operation of the government decentralization, foreign policy, development, gender discrimination, combating corruption, security sector reform, the politics of justice, relations with traditional authorities, and the challenges of nation-building. In examining these themes, the contributors highlight the fledgling state's successes and failures as well as matters that remain unresolved as international state-building forces prepare to depart. While each theme addressed in the collection focuses on Timor-Leste' s specific experience, these issues also pertain to many post-colonial and developing countries, particularly those of the southwest Pacific and sub-Saharan Africa. As the object of five consecutive UN missions with varying mandates, Timor-Leste is a critical case study of international state-building projects. In these respects, the Timor-Leste experience offers a model for comparative consideration across a much wider field.
Timor-Leste: The Adventurous Tribulations of Local Governance after Independence
Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs
Xanana Gusmão recently mentioned that a “Second Maubere Miracle” is underway, implying that a major political reform will soon shake the roots of Timor-Leste's public administration. Decentralization, defined in a very broad sense, has been a constitutional mandate since independence, but successive governments have failed to engage this reform despite paying lip service to its necessity. This essay reviews the options before the policy makers – both in theoretical terms (distinguishing between the various definitions of decentralization) and in the pragmatic forms that have been contemplated so far – and discusses their implications for the process of rooting a modern democracy in the country both at the intermediate, district level and at the grassroots, suku (village) level. For this purpose, the essay brings together the author's own field research and the rich literature that has emerged in the recent past, including contributions by Timorese colleagues.