"Power and Polemics: Political Satire and the July Monarchy," (original) (raw)
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Press and The French Revolution
2020
The press during the French Revolution (1789) was a privileged witness of the unfolding events. Newspapers were to an extent a depiction of revolutionary events and an unofficial representation of the repressed public.1 Many newspapers prevailed during the French revolution which increased democratization of political information and opinion. The suppression of the censorship and later, the National Assembly's declaration of freedom of the press paved the way to approximately 1,350 papers published in France from 1789 to 1800.2 Among them, the essay will argue the role of two particular newspapers in propagating revolutionary ideas during the Revolution, those are, L'Ami du Peuple (Friends of the People), and La Feuille Villageoise (The Village Paper). It also argues that while one represented the town and the other represented the country, both aimed to spread revolutionary ideas to 'enlighten' people about their rights and urge them not to surrender to the Old Regime's absolutism. When Paris began to be the capital of the Enlightenment around the mid 18 th century, the Old Regime imposed a law to prevent the circulation of 'bad prints' attacking the monarchy, the Catholic orthodoxy or morals.3 The censorship aimed to assure there was no political criticism addressed by the press especially with the rise of enlightened thinkers. When enlightenment ideas started circulating, literacy increased, and a public sphere emerged among the shadow of the royal absolutism and the strict religious orthodoxy. As a result, the eighteenth century saw a tremendous increase in literacy rates and consequently a sharp increase in the number of new periodicals, books, editions and copies sold-reflecting
History of European Ideas, 2021
Catholics and dissident French royalists from the beginning of the nineteenth century around the journalists F. de La Mennais and P.-S. Laurentie wanted to reconstitute a new Catholic monarchy against the compromise made by Louis XVIII. It was necessary to renew the links with the ancien régime against the revolutionary legacy, and to compensate for the monarchy's more distant flaws, caused according to them by the distancing of the Church's power. After the July Revolution in 1830, these royalists reconfigured a modern monarchy behind 'Henry V' to make a Third Restoration possible. But there were many disagreements among the Legitimists: between the Parisian "Henriquists" and the absolutist émigrés who favoured Charles X, war raged after 1830, not to mention the opposition they waged against the Orleanists. These neo-legitimists then decided to open up more to modernity and demanded freedoms of association, religion and the press, inspired by the followers of La Mennais. They also sought unity with Catholics and wanted to participate in elections. But this political line was opposed to that of Genoude and the absolutists. Later, Montalembert separated Catholics and royalists and shattered any hope of unity and the creation of a large party under the July Monarchy.
Journalism on Royal Duty. Pehr Adam Wallmark in the Defence of Charles XIV
Scripts of Kingship. Essays on Bernadotte and …, 2008
The article hightlights how Charles XIV and his Government dealt with and tried to control the changes within the public sphere in Sweden 1818 - 1844. Though restrictive measures were taken by the Swedish state, the freedom of the press was garanteed by a press law from ...
Property, Power and Press Freedom: Emergence of the Fourth Estate, 1640-1789
This paper employs a theoretical framework that combines political economy and cultural studies to uncover the forces driving the development of press freedom in early modern England, the United States and France from the launch in 1640 of the English Short Parliament, which temporarily abolished censorship, to the French Revolution in 1789. The factors it found to be determinant were a transnational print technology, the public sphere, social movements and egalitarianism, not liberalism, the liberal ideologues and the nation-state highlighted in the dominant press-freedom theory. Going beyond the rights of commercial news media owners, which is a focus of the traditional press-freedom literature, it examines other manifestations of press freedom, including the use and ownership of the means of publication by formerly excluded groups (including women and tradesmen), publication in vernacular languages, new styles of expression (including ironic treatment of religious and political authorities), and a successful challenge to private monopolistic control over knowledge production, especially printing. This study offers a new theory of press freedom, undergirded by the claim that the production of rights occurs in the realm of social relations, which have cultural, economic and political dimensions.
Print, Publicity and Radicalism in the 1790s
explores the popular democratic movement that emerged in the London of the 1790s in response to the French Revolution. Central to the movement's achievement was the creation of an idea of 'the people' brought into being through print and publicity. Radical clubs rose and fell in the face of the hostile attentions of government. They were sustained by a faith in the press as a form of 'print magic', but confidence in the liberating potential of the printing press was interwoven with hard-headed deliberations over how best to animate and represent the people. Ideas of disinterested rational debate were thrown into the mix with coruscating satire, rousing songs, and republican toasts. Print personality became a vital interface between readers and text exploited by the cast of radicals returned to history in vivid detail by Print, Publicity, and Popular Radicalism. This title is available as Open Access at 10.1017/ 9781316459935. jon mee is Professor of Eighteenth-Century Studies at the University of York and Director of the Centre for Eighteenth-Century Studies. He has published many essays and books on the literature, culture, and politics of the age of revolutions in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. He is also author of The Cambridge Introduction to Charles Dickens (Cambridge, 2010).
Print, Publicity, and Popular Radicalism in the 1790s
2016
explores the popular democratic movement that emerged in the London of the 1790s in response to the French Revolution. Central to the movement's achievement was the creation of an idea of 'the people' brought into being through print and publicity. Radical clubs rose and fell in the face of the hostile attentions of government. They were sustained by a faith in the press as a form of 'print magic', but confidence in the liberating potential of the printing press was interwoven with hard-headed deliberations over how best to animate and represent the people. Ideas of disinterested rational debate were thrown into the mix with coruscating satire, rousing songs, and republican toasts. Print personality became a vital interface between readers and text exploited by the cast of radicals returned to history in vivid detail by Print, Publicity, and Popular Radicalism. This title is available as Open Access at 10.1017/ 9781316459935. jon mee is Professor of Eighteenth-Century Studies at the University of York and Director of the Centre for Eighteenth-Century Studies. He has published many essays and books on the literature, culture, and politics of the age of revolutions in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. He is also author of The Cambridge Introduction to Charles Dickens (Cambridge, 2010).
Writers and the press in France 1600-2000: politics, pamphlets and propaganda
French History, 2016
While studies on politically committed writers in France take for granted that many writers expressed their ideas in journalistic texts, the specific cultural and historical context of journalism and the press is often ignored, even though, as the contributions in this issue show, that context influenced how and what individuals wrote or were allowed to write. The history of writers and political commitment is fundamentally linked to that of their journalism. The press is understood here in the broad sense of mass-produced, widely distributed print publications made possible since the invention of the printing press around 1440: from early pamphlets and almanacs to periodical newspapers and magazines. All five articles in this special issue focus on how writers – fiction writers, journalists, pamphleteers, satirists – have made use of the press to intervene in French politics over four centuries.
Debating censorship: liberty and press control in the 1640s
Texts and readers in the Age of Marvell (Manchester University Press), 2018
Scholars have long debated the extent and efficacy of English censorship in the 1640s. Drawing on publication and censorship data, this chapter argues that the infamous 1643 Licensing Ordinance proved more effective than many scholars have allowed. While writers, printers, and publishers enjoyed greater liberty to produce and circulate polemics in the 1640s, the measures adopted by Parliament and the Council of State limited the freedom of the press. Yet something changed fundamentally during this decade of civil war: at moments in the 1640s, the government lost control not just of the presses but of the discourse surrounding censorship. By examining the contests that arose over censorship, culminating in a discussion of John Lilburne’s treason trial, this chapter traces the vicissitudes of censorship in the 1640s and registers the discursive changes in debates about press freedom.