Voice and Valency Morphology in Äiwoo (original) (raw)

2021, Oceanic Linguistics

This paper describes the function and distribution of the main morphological markers of voice and valency in the Oceanic language Äiwoo: the undergoer-voice suffixes-i,-nyi(i),-ive,-eâ, and-nâ, and the circumstantial voice clitic =Cä. It compares these functions and distributions to those reconstructed for the Proto Oceanic transitivising morphemes *-i and *akin[i], and suggests pathways of change that can account for many of the present-day Äiwoo forms as being reflexes of these morphemes and of the 3SG object clitic *=a, though some of the formal differentiation remains unexplained. This analysis implies that Äiwoo has a Philippine-type symmetrical voice system with Oceanic morphology, an unusual state of affairs which has implications for our understanding of the transition from Proto Malayo-Polynesian to Proto Oceanic. AV-take.out SPEC woman NPIV rice LOC sack for LOC child 'The woman will take some rice out of a/the sack for a/the child.' b. A-alis-in ng babae ang bigas sa sako para sa bata. DUR-take.out-PV GEN woman SPEC rice LOC sack for LOC child 'A/the woman will take the rice out of a/the sack for a/the child.' c. A-alis-an ng babae ng bigas ang sako para sa bata. DUR-take.out-LV GEN woman NPIV rice SPEC sack for LOC child 'A/the woman will take some rice out of the sack for a/the child.' d. Ipag-alis ng babae ng bigas sa sako ang bata. CV-take.out GEN woman NPIV rice LOC sack SPEC child 'A/the woman will take some rice out of a/the sack for the child.' 2 There has been considerable debate in the literature regarding what, if anything, can be considered the subject in Philippine-type symmetrical voice languages in particular, see e.g.

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