Turkey's Role in Romanian's Diplomatic Struggle (original) (raw)
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Turkish Foreign Policy During Ataturk’s Era 1920-1938, 2021
The present study aimed to explore the diplomatic and economic relations between the Romania Kingdom and the Republic of Turkey during the Atatürk Period (1923-1938).The first collaboration after the First World War between both states took place during the Lausanne Conference, when Romania sustained the principle of free passage in the Straits. Journal d'Orient noted that during the difficult moments of the conference, Ismet Pasha asked Minister Diamandi to mediate. The Lausanne Treaty was concluded on the 24 th of July 1923, while, in the message of congratulations, the Romanian Minister I.Aurelian communicated to the Turkish Foreign Minister that the geographical position of both our countries, their proximity and the Black Sea represent an excellent way of communication between Romania and Turkey, which facilitates the re-establishment and the development of the economical relation. The aim of the Romanian foreign policy was to maintain good relations based on integrity and sovereignty respect with all the countries, which were also some of the purposes of the modern Turkish state, created by Mustafa Kemal. Romania has sustained a diplomatic activity in order to keep contact with the Balkans states and to keep peace in the region. The Friendship, Non-aggression and Conciliation Treaty (October 17, 1933) signed between Romania and Turkey, and the Balkan Pact (February 19, 1934) represent the contribution to the joined effort for the security in the region. The paper is based on unpublished (original) documents found in the Romanian diplomatic archives, the Romanian and the Turkish press, as well as on special and general publications.
“Mircea cel Batran” Naval Academy Scientific Bulletin, Volume XIV, Issue 1, 2011
Among neutrals states, Turkey played an important role in the strategies of both United Nations and Axis Powers. Both of them tried, through various instruments, to obtain Turkey's participation at the war. During the long talks, especially between British and Turkish heads of Foreign Affairs departments, Romania came into discussion. Turkish side argued that they cannot enter into war if Soviet Union postwar plans include a total domination of Balkans and cannot suggest to Romania to capitulate to Soviet Union. It remains open to debate if this stance was adopted only as another pretext for rejecting the Allied pressures or was an honest attitude, emerged from the real fear about Soviet future intentions. We believe a combination of both is the real truth because, after all, discussing Romania was, in fact, discussing about future Soviet hegemony in this area.
The Military Approach to Romanian Ottoman Diplomatic Relations 1878-1916
TÜRKİYE-ROMANIA JOINT MILITARY HISTORY SYMPOSIUM PROCEEDINGS 8-9 MAY 2023 İSTANBUL, 2023
Romania and the Ottoman Empire established official diplomatic relations after the international recognition of Romania’s independence. Once the minister’s plenipotentiary were sent to both capital cities, negotiations for different treaties and conventions were opened. They focused on the situation of the Ottoman prisoners in Romania after the end of the Russian-Ottoman War, on commercial relations and consular agreement. The main interest of Romania out of these three directions was provided by the new possibility to open toward the Ottoman market and negotiations and conclusions over the decades demonstrate once again in which direction the Romanian interest was targeted. On the other side, the Ottoman state was looking for a strategic partner in the region, understanding Romania’s interest to position itself as an important player in the decision-making map in the Balkans. The paper will focus on the military aspects, which shaped this relationship, from the interest of the Ottoman Empire to have a permanent military representative in the country through military attachés in Bucharest, to its effort to determine the conclusion of a military convention with the newly independent state, in a comparative perspective to the Romanian investment in this direction.
Зборник радова Филозофског факултета у Приштини, 2017
One of the most trustworthy partners of Romania was Yugoslavia. Their common purposes, defensive views, as well as the alliances they were part of, reflect this fact. These states, the forms of which were renewed at the end of The First World War, had always wished for the maintenance of peace and development according to the principles of the Peace Treaties of Paris (1919-1920). The Romanian Yugoslav cooperation in the Little Entente and The Balkan Pact represented the desire of the states in this area to settle down, to stop revisionist states' pretension of reconfiguring the borders. Situated in a restless area, Yugoslavia was compelled to be mindful and on the look out for Fascist Italy's external politics, especially after the occupation of Albania, while Romania found itself a neighbouring country of Nazi Germany after the latter occupied Czechoslovakia. Our endeavour conducts an analysis of the year 1939 through the eyes of diplomats who struggled to stay neutral and maintain their countries' territories unaltered.
Fakülte dergisi, 2014
The premise that designed the Kemalist regional policy, has considered the reconciliation and cooperation between the SouthEastern Europe. The reasons, highly pragmatical, have contributed significantly to shaping an important regional power in the late interwar period, that promoted the concept formulated by Ataturk-"Turkey is an element of force and international peace." After a mandatory review of the past and prospects of bilateral relations, a concept has been theorized in Ankara and Bucharest on a long term. The Romanians' decisions have outlined some of the coordinates from the Romanian-Turkish relations from 1927-1928 that would promote bilateral and regional interests ensuring flexibility. Pictures are clearly marked in the two capitals, even before the Balkan Entente (in 1934) built a strategic axis that should have been very active, functional and pragmatic. The concepts of peace and neutrality, promoted by Bucharest and Ankara would remain foreign policy dogmas until the general European War, in 1941, even with the risk of cancelling the alliances concluded during the two interwar periods.
European Scientific Journal (ESJ), 2020
This article analyses Romania’s situation after the armistice of Focsani (signed on December 9, 1917) and at the beginning of the year 1918. It valorises mainly documentary evidence from both French and Romanian diplomatic and military archives. The necessary documentation for the elaboration of the article consisted mainly of telegrams and military reports. The most significant and important documents were selected. So the paper makes a critical analysis of the sources, resorting to a comparison between documents. The study also used a few concepts belonging to the theory of international relations. For a better understanding, the paper highlighted and analysed briefly the premise, namely the period of Romanian neutrality. The research paper explained as well why the Romanian Kingdom could not remain neutral in the First World War, why its situation in the international system was completely different from that of Switzerland. At the end of 1917 and the beginning of 1918, Romania’s situation worsened very quickly due to the unfavourable external circumstances. Under the influence of Bolshevik ideology, Russian soldiers had refused to fight since the fall of 1917. The armistice of Brest Litovsk, signed by Soviet Russia in early December 1917 placed Romania in a critical situation. On January 13/26th, 1918, Russia broke all diplomatic relations with the Romanian government from Iaşi. The Romanian Kingdom would be surrounded only by hostile forces. Ukraine, which had served as a buffer zone for the Romanian state, concluded, in turn, a separate peace with the Central Empires, on February 9, 1918. Although the Romanian army needed military aid, war material, and ammunition, and faced pressures of the Central Powers, the Allies asked for resistance. Among the four powers of the Entente, France was the most intransigent. In fact, all these states strongly rejected the separate peace but the French attitude was more clearly defined than the English attitude forinstance.
Astra Salvensis, 2018
The beginning of the twentieth century represented not only the emergence, affirmation or consolidation of South-Eastern European states, but also the redefining of politics in the Balkan area. For several centuries all the nations in this area regarded the Ottoman Empire as the main enemy in front of which common action was the only successful opposition attempt. With the power of Istanbul becoming predominantly nominal, the Balkans became the European area with the most considerable ethnical, religious and political tension. Every nation's wish to build its own state proved difficult to accomplish, given that certain territories were claimed by two or several parties. The partisan implication of the Great Powers only amplified and encouraged the conflict that had simmered in this region. The Balkan Wars and the first World War indisputably confirmed a reality we experience even today, a century after these events. The political alliances were clearly outlined and functioned as long as the involved monarchs understood the European political game rules. Greece's alliances with Serbia and Romania against Bulgaria immediately found an echo in Russia's and the Austro-Hungarian Empire's positions. Romania tried to play the mediator role since its status allowed it to keep its neutrality in the first phase of the conflict, and later be involved in an alliance which proved to be lasting. Our paper presents the main characteristics of the Romanian external politics during the Balkan Wars, by identifying the transition from the secret agreement with the Triple Alliance to the approach to Tsarist Russia. The influence of the Royal House of Romania could not pass unnoticed, a relevant example being the offer of the Albanian throne to Prince William of Wied, Queen Elisabeth of Romania's nephew.
Romanian Diplomacy – An Illustrated History, 1862-1947
2010
An Illustrated History of the Romanian Diplomacy (1862-1947) gives a large, illustrated view of the Romanian diplomacy since the creation of the Romanian modern state – by the union of the Moldavian and Wallachian Principalities (1859) – until the complete integration of Romania in the soviet hegemony sphere at the beginning of the Cold War (1947). The book is divided into three chapters. The first chapter, “Overview”, offers a general presentation of the Romanian diplomacy, emphasizing the important moments throughout a century in the general European backround (1848-1947). The second chapter, “Romanian Diplomacy During the Old Kingdom (1878-1914)” presents the evolution of the Romanian diplomacy after gaining independency (1877-1878), when Romania began to manifest itself as an independent actor, until the beginning of the First World War (1914). The last chapter, “Romanian Diplomacy During 1914-1947” is about the efforts of the Romanian diplomacy since the beginning of the First World War (1914) until Romania entered definitively in the sphere of influence of the Soviet Union (1947). The English edition of the book was published in December 2010 and was sent to all Romanian legations abroad in order to be distributed to important libraries and academic institutions in the respective countries. The authors illustrated the book with many pictures which convey – and at the same time, revive – events, diplomatic and political personalities, and the very climate of that time, in order to restore, as close to the reality as possible, the situations of the past. Based on rich documentation, diplomatic sources and literature, the book represents an essential tool for specialists, but also an agreeable reading for the general public.
XIX. Türk Tarih Kongresi, 2023
One of the topics that intrigued Romanian recent historiography focuses on the phenomenon of illegal border crossings to Western countries during communism. Yet, fascinating as it is the attention was mostly on the cases that occurred during the last part of the Romanian communist regime and less on its first years. Another less known aspect is that numerous cases of illegal border crossings to Western had as first stop Turkey as it had ties to various Western countries. According to the records of the Secret Police Services and military records there was an impressive number of such cases and even more intriguing the methods used to leave the country illegally during the late 1940s. One of main purposes of this paper is to create a framework for understanding how the internal Romanian political, economic, and social situation shaped unbearable living conditions as soon as the war ended forcing citizens to find even illegal methods to leave the state.