«Πειρατές και κουρσάροι στις ακτές της δυτικής Πελοποννήσου κατά την ναπολεόντεια περίοδο (1799-1815)», στου ιδίου, Μελέτες ιστορίας του πελοπoννησιακού χώρου από τα μέσα του 17ου αι. ως τη δημιουργία του νεοελληνικού κράτους, εκδ. Ηρόδοτος, Αθήνα 2009, σσ. 389-418 (original) (raw)
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Napoleon’s Italian kingdom (1805-1809) and legislative and judicial changes in Istria DARKO DAROVEC For a short period spanning front the Treaty of Pressburg (Bratislava) of December 26, 1805, to the establishment of the Illyrian Provinces in 1809, the ex-Venetian Istria formed part of the Italian kingdom. After its official incorporation into the Italian Kingdom on May 9, 1806, the region saw the introduction of the Napoleonic Code (Code Na¬poleon). Consequently, the town statutes adopted during the Venetian rule were annulled, and the highest provincial court was re-established in the town of Koper. The institution employed a civil judge, financial commissioner, and police representative and housed courts of first and second instance. All other courts, except that in Poreč, were abolished, while the Supreme Court was held only in Milan, the capital of the Italian Kingdom. Despite the introduction of the Napoleonic Code, the Austrian Pe¬nal Code, Civil Code and penal suit remained valid until the official abolition of the Austrian Penal Code in the autumn of 1807. Moreover, the old authority structures functioned till the end of 1806. Inner territorial division was introduced as late as in the spring of 1807 and legalized through a decree signed by Napoleon in December that same year. The former Venetian lstria was divided into two districts: that of Koper, stretching from the hillock of Milje (Muggia) to the Lim Bay, and that of Rovinj, which encompassed the remaining territory lying to the south of the Bay. The districts were subdivided into seven cantons, largely overlapping with the districts demarcated under Austrian rule, while the cantons were divided into municipali¬ties, which, from then on also encompassed feudal estates, which the new regime deprived of their anciene régime character. The area also witnessed the abolition of patrimonial rule. The towns, squares and estates were no longer seats of administrative, military and judicial authorities; from then on, they were nothing but territorial units within a uniform ad¬ministrative system. The field of the administration of justice saw the abolition of the dis¬trict courts of first order, as well as of the Poreč Criminal Court. Minor cases were dealt with by municipal judges and village mayors (meriga). The only court left intact was the Koper Appeal Court, though the decree of June 17, 1806, renamed it into a Civil and Criminal Court ('Corte di Giudizio civile e criminale). In accordance with the principles of French law, the new regime separated the judiciary and administrative powers and in the first half of 1806 brought the Istrian judicial system in line with that of the Ital¬ian kingdom. The introduction of the Napoleonic Code was followed by gradual abolition of the former civil legislation, which gave rise to an altogether new juridical situation and legal system and, consequently, brought about radical changes in judiciary (Bollettino delle Leggi del Reg¬no d’Italia. Milano, Reale stamperia (to 1805 Bolletino delle Leggi della Repubblica Italiana), 1802.-, 433-447). From then on, the judicial net¬work comprised the following courts: 7 Courts of Peace (Giudici sommari or Giudici di pace) with competence in civil and criminal proceedings in the cantons, mostly related to mutual quarrels and to tax conflicts, etc.; the Koper Civil and Criminal Court {Corte di Giustizia civile e crimi¬nale), which became the Court of Session of the Istrian Department; the Milan Supreme Court (Tribunale di Cassazione de Regno); and the Koper Commercial Court (Tribunale di Commercio) with competence in cases related to the trade by sea or land. The latter was established due to the continental blockage and mostly passed judgment on the confiscation of English vessels, arson of English goods and contraband. Despite its incorporation into the Italian kingdom, from 1805 to 1809, Istria was physically separated from it by a belt of Austrian terri¬tory, with Trieste at its centre. The continental blockage did not prevent the town from prospering and taking over Venetian trade. Not sur¬prisingly, after 1805 Napoleon often considered the idea of annexing Trieste, in particular when planning his eastern policy, in 1808, his Minister of Foreign Affairs Champagny suggested that he should an¬nex the whole Austrian territory lying to the south of the Vipava and Kolpa rivers. As for the future administration of the Austrian lands that the French intended to annex, Champagny’s report to Napoleon of February 1808 offered two possibilities: the incorporation into Italy or the establishment of a special political entity encompassing the lands located on the eastern Adriatic coast. The plan was finally realized after yet another war with Austria or, more precisely, after the signing of the Treaty of Schönbrunn signed on October 14, 1809, when the Illyrian Provinces were established. To recapitulate, Napoleon’s rule introduced fairly radical changes into the traditional Istrian community that caused several social shifts and were often met with strong resistance from several social strata.
Napoléon Bonaparte, pristalica prosvjetiteljstva i razuma, želio je svoju vlast u zapadnoj Europi temeljiti na čvrstim ekonomskim osnovama. Carstvo koje je objedi‐ njivalo 130 departmana, upotpunjeno Ilirskim pokrajinama, bilo je srce tog sistema. Ta se zajednica trebala baviti poljoprivrednom proizvodnjom, a pogotovo izradom obrtničkih predmeta koji su se zamjenjivali za englesku robu, kao posljedica kopnene blokade, koja je bila sve učinkovitija u razdoblju između 1809. i 1812. Ilirske pokrajine, netom pripojene, predstavljale su dodatni adut takve zaštitničke i autarhične ekonom‐ ske politike. Na taj način pokrajine su pridonosile kontroli europskih obala, usprkos neuspjelog pokušaja zauzimanja otoka Visa (Lissa) 1810., a njihova proizvodna spo‐ sobnost nije bila nezanemariva, kako je utvrđeno statističkim ispitivanjima koja je od‐ mah pokrenula Napoleonova administracija. Zapravo, na tom je području bila razvi‐ jena izrada tekstila i tradicija bavljenja željeznom metalurgijom, čiji se razvoj mogao potaknuti kako bi se održavala trgovina na Jadranu, od koje je car očekivao da će se brzo razviti zahvaljujući brojnim malim brodogradilištima na području priobalja. Napoléon Bonaparte, homme des Lumières et de la rationalité, désirait asseoir sa domination de l’Europe occidentale sur des bases économiques solides. L’Empire des 130 départements, complété par les Provinces Illyriennes, composait le cœur de ce système. Cet ensemble devait produire les denrées agricoles et surtout les objets manufacturés qui se substituaient aux marchandises anglaises victimes d’un blo‐ cus continental de plus en plus efficace entre 1809 et 1812. Les Provinces Illyriennes, fraîchement annexées, constituaient un atout supplémentaire dans ceSe politique éco‐ nomique protectioniste et autarcique. Ainsi, elles contribuaient au contrôle des côtes européennes, malgré l’échec de la prise de Lissa (Vis) en 1810, et elles disposaient d’un potentiel de production non négligeable révélé par les enquêtes statistiques immédia‐ tement lancées par l’administration napoléonienne. En effet, cet espace possédait des savoir‐faire textiles et une tradition dans la métallurgie du fer qu’il semblait possible de stimuler afin d’alimenter un commerce adriatique que l’Empereur espérait voir reprendre rapidement grâce aux multiples petits chantiers navals côtiers.
The foundation stories of the Cypriot kingdoms rarely predate the 5th century BC. They were, as a rule, constructed under specific political, social and cultural conditions in order to shape the way a community represented and remembered its past. In this study I draw attention to the fact that these foundation myths were the result of a complicated and dynamic process. Using the foundation myth of Salamis as my point of reference, and without denying that its origins contain an unmistakable kernel of truth, I attempt to follow its gradual transformation through time and to isolate new elements that were added later in order to serve specific political and social goals.