Asian security Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

2025, Global Asia

Trump may be preoccupied with Ukraine, Gaza and Iran, but America's allies and friends in Asia are deeply concerned that US policy is on a path toward retrenchment from global affairs.

2025

This paper examines how India and Nepal's diplomatic relationship has changed, especially in the aftermath of the 2015 blockade that negatively affected the two countries' relations. This paper critically investigates whether India's diplomatic efforts following the blockade represent a fundamental change in strategy or are merely a response to China's increasing might. The study explores important issues about the nature of India's diplomatic relations with Nepal using qualitative approaches, such as thematic analysis of primary and secondary data sources. In light of Nepal's expanding ties with China, this paper analyzes India's diplomatic change towards Nepal after the 2015 blockade, emphasizing its strategic adaptation to maintain regional supremacy. The study argues that India used economic incentives and diplomatic engagement to improve bilateral ties as part of its shift from a coercive to a "soft balancing" strategy. The convergence of neorealism and soft power in forming India-Nepal relations is highlighted in this paper, underscoring the necessity of ongoing communication to negotiate regional power dynamics successfully.

2025

"A conflict in the Middle East. A chokepoint of global energy. A lesson for Indonesia’s strategic clarity.” In the geopolitical theater of 2025, this narrow body of water has emerged as an open arena following precision U.S. military strikes on three of Iran’s main nuclear facilities—Fordow, Natanz, and Isfahan. What initially appeared to be a tactical reaction has now evolved into a new chapter in global power contestation. The Strait of Hormuz is no longer a mere shipping lane—it is a collision point between energy strategy, military supremacy, and the redefinition of international alignments.

2025, preprint

In the context of intensifying great power rivalry, China-Russia and US-India strategic alignments have moved to the forefront of international politics. However, scholars and policy analysts have struggled to define these two relationships. There has been little effort to provide a systematic and theory-grounded assessment of the two alignments and almost no attempts to methodically compare them, which makes understanding of the global power dynamics incomplete. This article fills this gap by applying the Stadial Model of Alignment Formation (SMAF) framework to the two cases to determine how they fare against each other in terms of the overall level of strategic cooperation and its progress over time. The structured comparison also explores the alignment incentives in the two dyads. The article also suggests modifications to the SMAF model and demonstrates how scholars can measure the depth of strategic alignment systematically in ways that can help draw distinctions among important cases. It shows that by most measurements, China-Russia alignment is ahead of the US-India alignment, and this condition is unlikely to change unless dramatic shifts in global politics occur.

2025, Evolving India-U.S. Partnership in the Context of China's Rise

The geopolitical landscape of the Indo-Pacific region is increasingly shaped by the evolving India-U.S. strategic partnership aimed at counterbalancing China’s growing influence. Washington views India as a key balancing force against Beijing, while New Delhi sees its multi-faceted cooperation with the U.S. as a means to mitigate China’s regional dominance. Both countries maintain a pragmatic yet cautious approach in
their bilateral relations with China, engaging in strategic initiatives to limit Beijing’s political and economic reach.
This strategic imperative to navigate great power dynamics is not new to India. India's foreign policy is historically rooted in balancing great powers, a strategy that dates back to the Cold War era when it navigated between the Soviet Union and the U.S. Today, New Delhi continues this approach amid intensifying U.S.-China competition, strengthening its strategic ties with the U.S. and European partners in defense, technology, and economic sectors while simultaneously maintaining diplomatic and economic relations with China and Russia. This dual engagement is evident in India's
participation in QUAD, an alliance aimed at countering China’s activities, while also being involved in BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), where China holds a leading role.

2025, Journal of Conflict & Security Law

This article argues that a non-flag State can be considered the victim of an armed attack against one or more merchant vessels and thus entitled to the right of self-defence under Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations. This argument gains momentum in light of the recent Houthi attacks in the Red Sea against ships with diverse nationalities. Traditionally, attacks on merchant vessels have been considered attacks on the flag State due to the latter's economic interests in the vessels. However, given the prevalence of open ship registries, today over 70 per cent of world tonnage is registered under foreign flags. Consequently, the jus ad bellum concerning armed attacks against merchant vessels necessitates a reassessment. The first section of this article revisits the traditional understanding that only the flag State can be considered the victim of an armed attack on merchant vessels. Hinting at the popularization of open registries, this article then clarifies how the laws of the sea and naval warfare have dealt with this phenomenon. It is remarked that 'looking behind the flag', especially in naval warfare, has become inevitable. This realization is then transposed to the jus ad bellum. In doing so, this article examines key references concerning armed attacks against merchant vessel: the Oil Platforms judgment by the International Court of Justice and the 1974 Definition of Aggression. This article also engages with directly relevant State practice. Ultimately, this article demonstrates that these references support the need for the reassessment advanced here.

2025

This study gains particular importance given that Israel is a principal strategic ally of the United States in the Middle East, maintaining a robust security and military partnership. Simultaneously, Israel has sought to broaden its ties with China, leveraging the technical and military capabilities China offers, which has generated tensions and contradictions among these three actors (Jones, 2020). From this context arises the central research question: How have the security relations between Israel and China affected the strategic partnership between Israel and the United States?

2025

Israel should maintain strong ties with the United States while striving for greater independence in its national interests. Therefore, it should vigorously expand partnerships worldwide to strengthen its strategic position. Israel should strengthen its excellent relations with India, Singapore, Azerbaijan, and the Philippines. Similarly, it should develop relations with the countries of South America, especially Argentina, and with the countries of Africa, where there are also countries with which mutually beneficial relations can be expanded. Such a policy could lead to an even greater strengthening of Israel's position in the international arena.

2025, Policy Brief

India's 'Wait and Watch' approach has reinforced its foreign policy strategy of 'Neighbourhood First' and hence allowed it to adjust to the changing political landscapes in South Asia. This issue brief looks at how India's measured response to political changes in Afghanistan under the Taliban and in the Maldives under President Mohamed Muizzu has boosted India's regional influence by exercising strategic patience and calibrated diplomacy. India has managed to reposition itself as an indispensable partner to both nations by striking the right balance of economic and humanitarian engagement with security concerns. This approach broadens its geopolitical contours, by counting external influences, advancing regional integration and entrenching India's leadership within South Asia. India's diplomacy is pragmatic and provides a guide to engage with unstable regimes without compromising national security. This approach, in the end, not only strengthens bilateral relations but also provides an example of stabilizing the region in light of changing geopolitical challenges.

2025, Routledge Handbook of US Foreign Policy in the Indo-Pacific

This chapter offers an overview of US policies and approaches toward the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as an extension of US Southeast Asia policy across five post-Cold War administrations. It highlights important evolution correspondent to important changes in Asia’s institutional and geopolitical context, with the Obama administration representing the apex of US engagement and the Trump administration representing its most volatile point. Most of all, it gives attention to structural and systemic influences that provide core continuities, as well as defining tensions, in US ASEAN policy across administrations despite their differences. It highlights two tensions, in particular, that have shaped and complicated US approaches to ASEAN in Southeast Asia – namely, the tension between bilateral and regional approaches and the concerns of the United States as a global great power and those of local Southeast Asian powers and how these tensions, in turn, have conditioned US priorities and preferences. The chapter concludes by summarizing common principles and practices found across administrations in their approaches to ASEAN and Southeast Asia.

2025, Yonsei Journal of International Studies

This article builds on academic literature that identifies Australia's decision to leave the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue ("Quad") in 2008 as the primary factor which led to the Quad's disbandment. It begins by briefly reviewing the Quad's inception and then employs Neoclassical Realism to analyze the structural and domestic determinants which influenced Australia to pull out of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue 1.0 (2007-2008). By assessing the objectives envisaged by the four parties at the time and the factors which contributed to its early demise, this article also draws attention to the staying power of the revived Quad 2.0 (2017-).

2025, Journal of Military and Strategic Studies

The roots of the American empire begin at the end of the nineteenth century, when the U.S. took the Philippines from Spain, and embarked upon a colonial adventure that made it the Asian power it remains today. This American empire became fully global in World War II. The old empires of Western Europe that had expanded and fought each other since the 16 th century were in ruins, and two new global forces emerged in their stead to succeed to global hegemony. Driven as much by Wilsonian and Leninist ideology as economic interests, the American and Soviet empires gathered allies, established spheres of influence, engaged in hugely expensive arms expenditures, and went to war on the frontiers between them. U.S. pursuit of the Cold War against the Soviet Union and vice versa remained the dominant theme of international politics until the latter's collapse in late 1991.

2025

IDSS Commentaries are intended to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy relevant background and analysis of contemporary developments. The views of the authors are their own and do not represent the official position of IDSS.

2025, Asian Perspective

This article seeks to unearth why change in Japanese security policy tradition prevails over continuity. Japan's recent change, evident in security objectives, military capabilities, defense expenditure, and institutional and legal transformations, connotes a departure from the original principles of the peace constitution and Japan's defense-oriented policies, transforming Japan from a "peace nation" to a "normal power." Moreover, Japanese political elites have willingly tried to exploit the opportunity structure to change Japanese security policy. I argue that the multivariate approach, incorporating structural, motivational, cognitive, and temporal dimensions, can serve as a 'tool kit' to understand this change in Japanese pacifist tradition and elites' willingness to seize the opportunity structure.

2025, TPQ’s Fall/Winter 2024 (Vol. 23, No. 3)

In 2021, the five Central Asian states - Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan,
Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan - celebrated the thirtieth anniversary of their
independence. None of these countries initiated or took part in the disintegration
of the USSR, but all took advantage of the historic implosion of the Soviet system
to proclaim their own independence. What remains of Russian influence in
Central Asia after three decades of national, even nationalist, identity politics
and autonomous foreign policies struggling to find a place in the concert of
nations, and at a time when Russia is bogged down in the war in Ukraine?
To answer this question, we need to analyse the direction of Russian policy in
Central Asia since 1991, focusing on the last decade and more particularly on
the two years of war in Ukraine.

2025, Naval War College Review

The most recent of his books is Geopolitics and Grand Strategy (2012); he is the author of numerous articles and contributed book chapters.

2025

L'administration Trump a annoncé jeudi soir la création de la "Force de l'espace", une sixième branche des forces armées qui doit permettre aux Etats-Unis de "dominer l'espace". Une annonce qui s'est heurtée à un scepticisme... more

2025, Tempus Actas de Saúde Coletiva

A assistência farmacêutica (AF) tem por objetivos assegurar o acesso qualificado da população à farmacoterapia, estimular o uso racional dos medicamentos e oferecer serviços farmacêuticos aos usuários e à comunidade. Constitui componente essencial dos serviços e programas de saúde e deve ser realizada em toda a rede assistencial, contribuindo de maneira eficiente para o incremento da saúde e da qualidade de vida da população.

2025, Pakistan Journal of International Affairs

This paper adopts an explanatory framework to study the evolving dynamics of nuclear deterrence between India and Pakistan with focus on strategic crises such as Mumbai (2008), Pathankot/Uri (2016), and Pulwama (2019). It posits that nuclear deterrence which took its roots from Cold War bloc politics has prevented full blown wars in dyadic nuclear equations. Nonetheless, the recurrent strategic crises in apparently balanced nuclear equations have exposed the limitations of nuclear deterrence at lower levels of conflict spectrum precipitating the concept of stability-instability paradox. In South Asian security milieu, India's strategic shift towards an incremental and assertive nuclear posture vis-à-vis Pakistan highlights the growing complexities of crisis management in a nuclear context. Pakistan has responded to growing threat perception by diversifying its response strategy by introducing novel concepts like full spectrum deterrence and quidpro-quo plus as part of its nuclear posture. Within this paradigm the paper reviews the traditional deterrence theories, and emphasizes the need for a nuanced understanding of how deterrence functions in a quintessential India-Pakistan dyadic scenario. The increased frequency and severity of crises coupled with technological advancements create a highly unstable strategic environment in South Asia. The study concludes that achieving lasting strategic stability will require addressing core disputes, fostering diplomatic engagement, and reevaluating security doctrines to mitigate the risks of future crises spiraling into broader conflict.

2025, Global Taiwan Brief

Amid rising cross-strait tensions and the emergence of US political circles skeptical about security ties with Taipei, it is vital that New Delhi reassesses its approach. Enhancing economic cooperation to promote bilateral convergence on security interests, incorporating the question of Taiwan within diplomatic engagements, and pursuing cooperative security initiatives would effectively position India as a primary arbiter in deterrence by building a favorable regional security architecture. Prioritizing Taiwanese security is in line with New Delhi’s interests in acting as a leader of the Global South, and preventing PRC actions that seek to destabilize India’s position in the Indo-Pacific.

2025, Nupur Kumar

The paper magnanimously serves the articulation on contemporary and one of the monumental relations in the present Indo-Pacific region by the QUAD providing a platform to India to become an efficient member of the regional informal diplomacy grouping. The details in this paper are meticulously enshrined from my work experience at the Ministry of External Affairs. The paper consciously mentions the scenarios of the diplomatic strategies of India along with the vital QUAD Initiatives. The paper serves the momentous needs of the readers. Enjoy your latest serve!

2024, Article

India’s strategic location in South Asia, bordered by countries such as Pakistan, China, Nepal, Bhutan,
Bangladesh, Myanmar, and Sri Lanka, creates a foundation for a complex and dynamic network of relationships
with its neighbours. This geographical positioning shapes India’s diplomatic, economic, and security
engagements in the region. India’s ‘Neighbourhood First Policy’ (NFP), also referred to as the South Asian
Foreign Policy (SAFP), centers on strengthening ties with neighbouring South Asian countries. This strategy
focuses on enhancing peace and cooperation in the region, emphasizing trade, connectivity, and people-topeople
exchanges with countries on India’s periphery. The Ministry of External Affairs (Economic Diplomacy
Division) brief states, “India’s Neighbourhood First Policy rests on India’s prime responsibility to lift its
neighbours to establish a rules-based order to preserve multilateralism and to establish peace and security in the
Indian Ocean”. According to the Ministry of External Affairs India (MEA), the ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy
originated in 2008. However, the ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy was formally introduced by Prime Minister Modi
during his first term in 2014. This policy was showcased when Modi invited leaders from SAARC countries to his
2014 swearing-in ceremony. Under PM Modi, three main goals were established for the Neighbourhood First
policy: Samvriddi (economic growth and development), Suraksha (national security), and Swabimaan (selfrespect).
With these objectives, India seeks to use its regional connections as a strategic advantage to expand
its influence globally. Given India’s deep cultural and historical ties with its neighbours, the aim is to build on
these relationships to achieve its broader goal of becoming a global leader or “Vishwaguru”. India’s leadership of
the G20 marks a crucial point in its global influence. The country plays a significant role in addressing major
international issues, including economic stagnation and regional conflicts

2024, Asie21

Lettre confidentielle Asie21-Futuribles n° 186/2024-09 © copyright reproduction interdite /77 43 Cambodge À la recherche d'un nouvel équilibre Les travaux pour la construction du canal Funan-Techo ont commencé au Cambodge le 5 août 2024 1 . Le canal doit relier le port automne de Phnom Penh à la province de Kep. Les travaux estimés à 1.7 milliards de dollars devraient durer quatre ans. Le projet divisé en deux phases (21 km et 159 km) a fait l'objet d'un accord cadre de partenariat entre la Cambodge et la China Bridge and Road Corporation (CRBC).

2024, Panthalassa - Maritime Powers

Final Dissertation Bologna University in Diplomacy

2024, Asian Security

This review essay is based upon Shuja Nawaz' Crossed Swords: Pakistan, Its Army, and the Wars Within and Ayesha Siddiqa's Military Inc.: Inside Pakistan's Military Economy. Based upon these two author's insightful volumes, this essay explores the roles of both military and civilian actors and institutions in the undermining of Pakistan's constitutional rule of law. While conventional wisdom places the onus disproportionately upon the military's penchant for interventionism, this review essay contends that the army has intervened only with the active assistance of civilian institutions which are subsequently further eroded with every military takeover. Thus any long-term solution to democratize Pakistan must focus both upon the army's presumed "right" and "obligation" to intervene in Pakistan's political system while simultaneously strengthening and professionalizing those civilian institutions needed for providing good governance with accountability.

2024, U.S.-China Relations

The intensifying U.S.-China rivalry, marked by competition across economic, military, and ideological spheres, is increasingly shaping global geopolitics. This paper explores the evolving dynamics between the two powers, identifying key areas of contention, including trade wars, technological rivalries, military posturing, and ideological differences. It delves into potential flashpoints for confrontation, such as Taiwan and the South China Sea, while analyzing the broader implications of these tensions on regional stability, global economic consequences, and humanitarian risks. Through a comprehensive examination of U.S.-China relations, the paper calls for strategic management, balanced engagement, and innovative policymaking to address these challenges and avoid a direct confrontation. The importance of diplomacy, multilateral frameworks, and economic cooperation is emphasized as critical tools for preventing escalation and fostering global stability.

2024

This special issue of Asia Policy scrutinizes the Indo-U.S. strategic partnership byexamining the prospects for bilateral cooperation in Asia. Although peacetimeforeign policy collaboration between major powers is a rarity, China’s rapid rise inthe international system appears to have forced the United States and India intounprecedentedly close consultation on regional security issues. Will this consultationmature into active cooperation? To answer this question, this introductory essay firstexamines the concept of strategic partnerships—a nebulous type of politicalrelationship that have proliferated since the end of the Cold War. It then highlightsthe obstacles to peacetime cooperation between major powers in other regions of the world. Following this, attention turns to the articles in this special issue whichexamine the history of Indo-U.S. cooperation in various sub-regions of Asia.Collectively, these pieces challenge misperceptions and misunderstandings of eachcountry’s policie...

2024, Asian Security

As the world's economic and strategic "center of gravity" shifts from the Euro-Atlantic area to the Asia-Pacific, the Indian Ocean is emerging as an increasingly critical trade and energy conduit. This region has long been a strategic backwater for the United States. Moreover, unlike in other critical subregions of Asia, the United States lacks significant host-nation bases and is unlikely to acquire them. The British territory of Diego Garcia, whose location and political reliability give it significant strategic utility, is thus central to US power projection in the Indian Ocean littoral region. The US military's approach to Diego Garcia reflects an implicit Indian Ocean strategy that seeks to establish a flexible and enduring presence within a critical and contested space. However, Washington needs to move toward an explicit Indian Ocean policy that views the region holistically rather than narrowly viewing separate US Pacific Command, US Central Command, and US Africa Command theaters. The United States faces a growing contradiction in some of the world's most strategically vital areas. The number of land-based US forces in the Middle East and South Asia is expected to shrink over time, even as counterinsurgency activities there remain a long-term priority. 1 Democratization within the region -a central goal of US military presence -may paradoxically force the departure of US forces from Iraq and Afghanistan and other nations undergoing political transition, even before these areas have stabilized. 2 A trend toward limited, low-profile bases is unlikely to solve this problem, since hosts may question US long-term commitments or demand "tacit or private goods, which risks future criticism and contractual renegotiation in the event of regime change." 3 Yet, barring an unprecedented erosion of grand strategic ambitions, access to regional bases and other military facilities will be essential for American power projection and influence. Maintaining US presence throughout the broader Indian Ocean littoral region depends on identifying enduring US interests in the region and developing a strategy to pursue those interests. According to Admiral Michael Mullen, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, US "strategy supports the development of a tailored posture in the broader Middle East and Central and South Asia, promotes a peaceful and stable Asia-Pacific region, and reaffirms our commitment to NATO and Europe." The The authors acknowledge with appreciation the constructive comments of

2024, Uchodźstwo – migracje – diaspora

Od czasu pełnoskalowej inwazji Rosji na Ukrainę w lutym 2022 r. gwałtownie wzrosła ilość najemników z krajów Azji Centralnej biorących udział w konflikcie. W przeważającej mierze walczą oni po stronie rosyjskiej. W artykule zbieram i analizuję doniesienia medialne dotyczące tych żołnierzy, jak również uzupełniam je o informacje uzyskane podczas etnograficznych badań terenowych w Kirgistanie w latach 2022-23. Rozpatruję uczestnictwo najemników w wojnie w kontekście ogólnego porządku międzynarodowego i zmieniającej się pozycji Rosji w regionie. Dodatkowo analizuję wpływ masowych ruchów migracyjnych do Rosji na udział żołnierzy z Azji Centralnej w konflikcie. Pokazuję wspólne wątki przytaczanych przez media historii, motywacje walczących, a także ambiwalentny władz regionu do toczącej się wojny. Argumentuję, że choć bodźce finansowe są prawdopodobnie najważniejsze, to za decyzjami o zaciągnięciu się na Ukrainę stoją również inne przesłanki wskazujące na silne związki polityczne, ekonomiczne i kulturowe krajów Armii Centralnej z Rosją.

2024

This research examines the implications of Article 9 of Japan’s Constitution on the nation’s military capabilities and its role in international security. Article 9 imposes stringent restrictions on Japan’s self-defense mechanisms, limiting its military capacity to defensive operations and prohibiting the exercise of collective self-defense. These constraints have created a significant gap between Japan’s approach to self-defense and the expansive interpretations seen in international law, where nations often justify preemptive or retaliatory strikes under the right of self-defense.

2024, China-U.S.Relation

Abstract: This paper provides a comprehensive comparative study of the foreign policies of the United States and China, two global superpowers whose approaches to diplomacy, security, and international engagement shape the global political landscape. The study explores the historical evolution, ideological foundations, and strategic goals that define U.S. and Chinese foreign policies, highlighting the contrasts and convergences in their respective approaches. Key areas of analysis include economic diplomacy, military strategy, human rights, multilateral engagement, and technology policy. The paper also examines how both countries respond to each other's foreign policies, particularly in terms of competition and cooperation in global governance. The findings underscore the complexity of U.S.-China relations, marked by both rivalry and interdependence, and offer insights into how their foreign policies will influence the future of global order and international relations.

2024, Boletín del Departamento de Seguridad y Defensa

ha resultado en una respuesta norteamericana que pone en duda la continuidad del antiguo estatuto comercial disfrutado por esta isla y su atractivo financiero. Esto se suma una contienda que se viene sosteniendo entre Washington y Pekín desde hace unos años. En este artículo nos proponemos hacer un breve repaso sobre los últimos sucesos en torno a Hong Kong, China y su relación Washington. Además, reflexionaremos sobre como esto impactaría a futuro a nivel internacional.

2024, Journal of Himalayan and Cultural Foundation

The India-China border dispute has been subject of much debate,
discussion, and analysis ever since the Sino-Indian war of 1962. However,
the developments on the India-China border in the Western Sector in
April 2013 brought to the fore the sensitivities of the border dispute
between India and China which remains unresolved till today. This paper
seeks to look into the implications of the transgressions/incursions in
the Daulat Beg Oldi sector,1 and elaborate on the sensitivities, insecurities
and problems of the local population. It also attempts to provide the
local perspective of the Ladakhis settled along the LAC.

2024

The India-Nepal relationship, marked by shared historical, cultural, and geographical ties, has seen both cooperation and discord. Despite a foundation of mutual respect, these South Asian neighbors have occasionally faced strains and disagreements in their bilateral relations. This research aims to thoroughly examine the dynamics, challenges, and prospects of India-Nepal relations during Prime Minister Narendra Modi's tenure from 2014 to 2024. It has three primary objectives: firstly, to understand the dynamics influencing the relationship; secondly, to identify and analyze challenges in maintaining and strengthening bilateral ties; and thirdly, to explore potential opportunities shaping their future relationship. The study considers historical, cultural, and political factors affecting the evolving dynamics, including recent border disputes, and employs a multi-methodological approach to provide a comprehensive understanding of the complex bilateral relationship under Modi's leadership.

2024, Journal of Indo-Pacific Affairs

For more than two decades, Australia successfully balanced its economic ties with China, its most significant economic partner, and its security alliance with the United States, its core ally. That era has ended. As US-China tensions escalate, Canberra faces difficult choices between the two great powers. The signing of the AUKUS (Australia-United Kingdom-United States) security pact in 2021 and other measures perceived as anti-China alignments signal that Canberra has abandoned its hedging strategy, siding with Washington against Beijing. This article critically examines this foreign policy shift from both theoretical and empirical perspectives. By placing Australia's situation in a comparative context, it argues that for a middle power, unequivocally siding with one great power against another is a risky geopolitical move that could further intensify great-power rivalry.

2024

Widely viewed as a major power in the making, India has yet to articulate a grand strategy. A recent policy paper entitled Nonalignment 2.0 makes a good start, but its ambiguities, contradictions and gaps need to be addressed. Commentary THOUGH India is widely regarded as a "rising power," the government has not publicly set out its grand strategy or the direction it is taking. There is still much debate on critical issues such as the viability of its liberal economic model and its relationship with the United States.

2024, Journal of South Asian Studies

The power vacuum created with the fall of USSR had made Central Asia the focal point for contestation among both the regional like Iran, Turkey, Pakistan, India and External players for influence, power, hegemony racing to establish links via through roads, pipelines, air routes, alliances and what not. These great powers made central Asian region as a chessboard for outsmarting one another through cleverness and wit and at times adapting policies of appeasement. In other words, Central Asia has become a “zone of intense, complex interaction between local conditions and the larger world system. India being one of the contestants though small and later comer have found a significant place as for as its connections, policies and strategies vis-a-vis Central Asia is concerned. The paper is an attempt to analyze the place of India vis-a-vis other players of the region.

2024, Societies

This paper explores the combined impacts of certain geopolitical and geoeconomic shifts on the global energy transition, focusing on developments related to the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreements. The New Globalization Scenario Matrix (NGSM) and a correlative SWOT analysis in transnational terms are utilized to understand and conceptualize potential future global trends in the emerging new globalization. Findings suggest that the examined contemporary global events may enhance the overall performance of the global system, thereby accelerating energy transitions. Consequently, a re-envisioned approach to the International Political Economy (IPE) of energy is proposed, blending repositioned realism and liberalism to foster a realistic and innovative new global liberalism.

2024

This thesis is a study of Chinese policy towards Pakistan during the period from 1969 to 1979. Its central concerns are: a) to determine the nature of Beijing's policy towards Islamabad during the period under review, and b) explain the reasons for the continuity and/or changes in this policy. Before addressing itself to these central questions, this thesis discusses the nature of China's relations with Pakistan during the first two decades of its existence. After pursuing a "correct" policy towards Pakistan during the 1950s, it is argued, Beijing moved to establish a "close" relationship to Islamabad in the wake of the Sino-Indian border dispute. Pakistan was provided substantial political, economic and military assistance by China during the 1963-68. The period from 1969-79, however, this thesis attempts to demonstrate, did not always witness a continuity of this close relationship. To this end, it employs a thematic approach. The issues which have been...

2024

The development of terrorism issue in Indonesia tremendously increases in post 9/11/2001 followed by the development of various Islamic movements. Such condition also happens in Malang by the emergence of some groups allied and supported the terrorist indicated supporters, such as ISIS, Jama‘ah Anshor, and Al Qaeda. Therefore, this research would like to elaborate on the relations of terrorism issues and the development of such movements in the region of Malang. The research was conducted by interviewing some prominent scholars and the activists of the Islamic organisations. Moreover, after the classification of data, the literature reviews methods of research used to discuss the founding of this qualitative research deeply. It is found that there are relatively parallel relations of the terrorism issues and the development of transnational Islamic movements in the region of Malang. Therefore, the complete understanding of these various movements is needed to avoid any misconducted ...

2024, Asian Security

The article argues that "first movers" and the bandwagoning effect they trigger can undermine the dynamics that perpetuate civil war and enable a multiparty cease-fire agreement. It looks at the unprecedented "nationwide" cease-fire in Myanmar reached between the government and several ethnic armed organizations in 2015. It shows that democratization and unilateral concessions by the Myanmar government were instrumental in overcoming the commitment problem and provided the necessary incentives for "first movers" to set the stage for a broad cease-fire agreement.

2024, PRISM

This article explores how foundational concepts of international relations that apply to the analysis of security policy can be translated into equivalent concepts in the realm of geoeconomics. The following are considered: economic security dilemmas; economic security action-reaction spirals and arms races; economic deterrence; economic appeasement; economic security alliances; and burden sharing within economic security alliances. We make the case that economic equivalents of security policy concepts should not be viewed as separate from matters of war and peace, but on the contrary as being on a continuum with them. Recent examples of Western economic security policies towards Russia and China are discussed, highlighting a failed policy of economic appeasement towards Russia prior to February 2022 and the lack of an actual economic security alliance among Western allies.

2024

CONCLUSION Two tasks were set in this study: to ascertain the nature of Chinese policy towards Pakistan during the period from 1969 to 1979, and to provide explanations for the continuity and/or changes in this policy. The findings on the first point have been summarised in the beginning of Part III. However, a recapitulation is in order to provide a better understanding of the situation. Within the South Asian context, Chinese relations with Pakistan are a rare phenomenon. Unlike its links with India which graduated from amity to enmity witin a period of eight years (i.e.) 1954 to 1962), China's friendly relations with Pakistan have survived beyond two decades. Even twenty three years after the conclusion of Sino-Pakistani border, trade and air-travel agreements, the Chinese Government and media frequently underscore the amity between Beijing and Islamabad. The Pakistan Government and media also periodically repeat this theme. Notwithstanding•• these claims and the commonly held assumption that the Beijing-Islamabad axis is a constant factor in South Asian and international politics, the fact remains that Sino-Pakistan relations have not been devoid of fluctuations. This becomes evident with the examination of Chinese support for Pakistan during the 1969-1979 period. So marked are the fluctuations in the level of Beijing's political, economic and military assistance to

2024, East-West Center Occasional Paper

This East-West Center Occasional Paper is the second of a set of two papers examining how Japan and Australia are seeking to employ minilateral institutions to enhance their cooperation and compete strategically in an increasingly... more