Caucasus Politics Research Papers - Academia.edu (original) (raw)

2025, Вчені записки ТНУ імені В.І. Вернадського. Серія: Історичні науки

After the division of the historical lands of Azerbaijan between Russia and Qajar Iran, the mass resettlement of Armenians to North Azerbaijan began. The Armenians who resettled here, being an ethno-confessional support for Russia, protected the interests of the empire in the Caucasus and played a role in expanding its sphere of influence. At the same time, the Armenians who joined to Russian society gradually exposed the myth of the "Armenian state" they had invented and succeeded in suppressing the Muslim community, the indigenous population of North Azerbaijan. Of course, this also coincided with the interests of the imperialist forces. During the said period, to unite under a social organization in the South Caucasus, especially in Azerbaijan, was controversial. Unlike the local Muslims, the foreign Armenians were provided by necessary conditions by the ruling forces of the empire. Since the church itself is directly involved in philanthropy in Russia, the main reason for the lag of Muslims in this area is clear. However, charity is one of the important conditions in the cultural and social life of every nation. The Armenians, who were gradually gaining ground in the lands of North Azerbaijan, used even the ugliest means to achieve their goals. Nationalist, chauvinist Armenian parties such as Dashnaktsutyun and Hnchag were planning to strengthen their position here, as well as to usurp Eastern Anatolia, organize raids, uprisings, raise funds, and train terrorist groups. Propaganda was one of the main tools for the implementation of these heinous and ulterior plans. The main source of funding for the separatist movement was non-profit organizations that spread enlightenment and worked for the national awakening of the Armenians: the necessary funds were collected from fairs, literary gatherings, lotteries, membership fees, donations organized for charitable purposes. Armenian non-profit organizations operating in Baku closely cooperated with nationalist parties and were closely involved in their ulterior goals under the guise of enlightenment and charitable activities. The aims of charity organizations such as the Baku Armenian Humanitarian Organization and the Baku Armenian Cultural Union were in fact to secretly assist the activities of the Dashnaks.

2025, Akdeniz Kadın Çalışmaları ve Toplumsal Cinsiyet Dergisi

Women are undoubtedly among those who have been most adversely influenced by the Karabakh war and the lack of a formal evaluation of the situation regarding women who are directly or indirectly affected by the conflict in the area remains an inadequacy. It is crucial to highlight the challenges faced by conflict-affected women and what should be done from a female perspective. The major goal is to comprehend the Karabakh conflict from the perspectives of women who have experienced it by looking through the effects of the wars between 1988-1994 and 2016–2021. This study also aims to discover how rural women feel about the conflict and its resolution. In order to achieve a sustainable peace, women's views must be heard and understanding the viewpoints of women is crucial to prepare populations for peace. By documenting these perspectives, I will demonstrate how the local and central governments should pay attention to the opinions of the rural women affected by the conflict. Metho...

2025, Commonspace.EU

Pashinyan's official visit to Turkey on June 20, 2025, marks a strategic shift from symbolic reconciliation to strategic rapprochement. Normalization, for Yerevan, is not an end in itself but a transformative initiative to put an end to Armenia's geopolitical isolation, to diversify its transit routes, to decrease its reliance on Russia and to get access to Turkish ports, measures that reorient Armenia economically and logistically toward the West. Turkey, on its part, is seizing the moment to strengthen its role as a regional intermediary. Consequently, by promoting normalization, Ankara solidifies its impact in the South Caucasus and sends a positive signal to Western partners: the EU and U.S., in particular, about its evolving role in the region's stabilization.

2025, ქიოსემ სულთნის მმართველობა,როგორც გენდერული ინსტიტუციური გამოვლინება.

დროის ამ მონაკვეთში ოსმალეთის სამეფო კარზე ქალებმა მნიშვნელოვანი გავლენა მოიპოვეს. ისინი არა მხოლოდ ერეოდნენ სახელმწიფოს მართვა-გამგეობაში ,არამედ მეტწილად განაპირობებდნენ ქვეყნის საშინაო და საგარეო პოლიტიკურ ვექტორს. ოსმალეთის იმპერიის ქალი სულთნები იყვნენ: ჰასექი ჰიურემ სულთანი (1502-1558წწ.), ვალიდე ნურბანუ სულთანი (1525-1583წწ.), ვალიდელერინ ვალიდესი საფიე სულთანი (1595-1604წწ.), ვალიდე მაჰფეიქერ ქიოსემ სულთანი (1590-1651წწ.) და ვალიდე თურჰან ჰატიჯე სულთანი (1627-1683წწ.). მეცნიერთა ნაწილი ქალთა სულთანატის წარმომადგენლად მიიჩნევს სულეიმან I-ისა და ჰიურემ სულთნის ასულს, მიჰრიმაჰ სულთანსაც (1522-1578წწ.). ასეთი მოსაზრების საფუძველი გახდა ის, რომ მიჰრიმაჰ სულთანი, რომელსაც ბრწყინვალე განათლება ჰქონდა მიღებული, იმთავითვე ინტერესს ავლენდა პოლიტიკის მიმართ. ეს ინტერესი კიდევ უფრო მკაფიოდ გამოიკვეთა დედის, ჰიურემ სულთნის, გარდაცვალების შემდეგაც. მიუხედავად ამისა, ვფიქრობ, რომ მიჰრიმაჰის სულთანატის სრულფასოვან წევრად მიჩნევა გადაჭარბებულია, რადგან იგი არასოდეს ყოფილა არც ჰასექი სულთანი (ფადიშაჰის მეუღლე) და არც ვალიდე სულთანი (მმართველი სულთნის დედა). ამ თემასთან დაკავშირებით უნდა აღინიშნოს ისიც, რომ ზემოთ ხსენებული ყველა ქალი-მმართველი, რომლებმაც ოსმალეთის იმპერიის ისტორიაში უნიკალური პერიოდი შექმნეს, იმითაც გამოირჩეოდნენ, რომ ყოველმა მათგანმა გამოცადა ცხოვრებისეული სირთულეები, დაუნდობელი პოლიტიკური ინტრიგები. განვლო გზა ფადიშაჰის პირადი ტყვიდან ჯერ ჰასექამდე, ხოლო შემდეგ- სახელმწიფოს უმაღლეს ხელისუფლებამდე. ამ ჩამონათვალში მიჰრიმაჰ სულთნის მოხსენიება გაუმართლებელი იმის გამოც ხდება, რომ იგი თავიდანვე ფუფუნებაში გაიზარდა და, როგორც სამეფო დინასტიის წევრი, ყველა პრივილეგიით სარგებლობდა. დანარჩენმა ქალმა-სულთნებმა კი ბედისა და თავიანთი პიროვნული თვისებების წყალობით გაიკაფეს გზა იმპერიის ტახტისაკენ და ოსმალეთის წარუშლელი კვალი დატოვეს.

2025, IEOES

"Miatsum", Ermenilerin Dağlık Karabağ bölgesi ve başka işgal altındaki toprakların, Birleşik Ermeni Devleti'ne katılma arzusuna dayanan fikirdir. 1980'lerin sonu ve 1990'ların başında Ermenistan'da birçok kişi tarafından barış ve güvenliğin de sembolü olarak, kutsal paradigma sayılan Miatsum, otuz beş yıllık süreç sonrasında veya II. Karabağ Savaşı sonrasında bugün, ülkenin çatışmasız kalkınmasına ve komşularıyla pragmatik ilişkilere karşı inşa edilmiş bir duvar olarak görülmektedir. Bu çalışma, Ermenistan'ın politik elitlerinin iç ve dış politikada Miatsum merkezciliğini terk etmelerine hangi güdülerin rehberlik ettiği üzerinde duracaktır. Özellikle, Paşinyan ve ekibinin bahsi geçen anlayışın halk nezdindeki değişmesini nasıl sağladığını ve yine halkın zihniyetine hangi esas anlayışı yerleştirmeye devam ettiğini araştırmaktadır. Çalışmanın temel amacı, ekibiyle birlikte Paşinyan'ın ve etkili olan diğer faktörlerin değişimdeki rolünün ve bu rolün Ermeni halkına olan etkilerinin kapsamlı bir değerlendirmesini sunmaktır. Çalışmanın önemi, Ermenistan'ın tarihi siyasi ihtiraslarına güçlü bir tezat oluşturan Paşinyan iktidarının hem uluslararası arenada ve hem de ülke içindeki girişimleri ve söylemleri, ülkede güçlü bir protestoya veya muhalefet harekatlarına yol açmamasından ve bu politik olgunun özel dikkat gerektiren bir sosyal bilimler konusu olması gerçeğinden kaynaklanmaktadır. 23 Ağustos 1990 tarihli Ermenistan'ın Bağımsızlık Bildirgesi, irredantist duygularla doldurulmuştu, ancak çok geçmeden bu irredantist ve katı etnomilliyetçi ilkeleri olan devlet inşasının ciddi siyasi yükler içerdiği ortaya çıkmıştır. Çünkü bu anlayış ve ihtirasla Ermenilerin Dağlık Karabağ Özerk bölgesinin dışındaki Azerbaycan topraklarının işgali, Bakü'nün pozisyonunu radikalleştirmiş ve onu uzlaşmaz bir askeri intikam için hazırlamıştır. Şubat 2020'de Azerbaycan'la yaşanan 44 günlük savaş, bölgesel ve uluslararası dinamikler, Ermenistan'da ise seçkinler ve sıradan vatandaşlar üzerinde ciddi bir etki yaratmış, iç siyasi çatışmalar ve değişimlere neden olmuştur. Savaş bu ülkede sadece iktidar sisteminde değil, aynı zamanda ulusal güvenliğe yönelik tehdit algısında da değişiklik talebi yaratmıştır. Yanı başındaki ülkede oluşan bu koşullar Azerbaycan ve hem de Türkiye için kritik öneme sahiptir. Araştırma, Miatsum anlayışındaki değişimin tarihsel gelişimini, şu an oluşturulmaya çalışılan yeni fikriyatı ve gelecek projeksiyonlarını kapsayan kapsamlı bir literatür taramasıyla başlamaktadır. Ardından, nicel ve nitel veri analizi yöntemlerini kullanarak, değişen bu anlayışın Ermenistan'a ve komşu ülkelerine olası etkilerini, detaylı bir şekilde incelemektedir. Çalışma ayrıca politika analizi ve

2025, The Review of Law, International Politics and Economics (ISSN: 3062-4487)

Following the Industrial Revolution, while some states tried to achieve global dominance, energy resources provoked hostilities. Regions containing natural resources and having geopolitical and geostrategic importance have become increasingly vulnerable to conflicts. As the necessity of ensuring energy security has intensified significantly over time, leading actors have attempted to increase hegemony in energy-intensive regions. At the beginning of the 21st century, the US, as a leading power, made various efforts to establish hegemony in energy-intensive regions such as Asia and the Middle East to protect its own energy security. Contrary to diplomatic discourse, the US defended its sovereignty mainly through military force and thus wanted to limit the operational breadth of other potential rival global powers. By exercising control over energy resources under the guise of aligning its interventions in strategic regions with the interests of the West in terms of energy, the US has tried to reduce the influence of other global actors on the brink of uninterrupted resource flow and energy dependency on the West. In disputed regions such as the Caucasus, the Middle East, Africa, and America, the US’s strategic approach has been to narrow the operational space of other global powers that can compete with it. While the US has occasionally supported nations rich in energy resources to adopt Western values to make its own ideological perspective indispensable and internally appreciated, it has often carried out covert operations against them. This situation has accelerated its transformation into a hegemonic power and legitimized its continued dominance.

2025

Bakı Dövlət Universiteti «beynəlxalq münasibətlər və beynəlxalq hüquq» fakültəsinin yetirməsi, siyasi elmlər üzrə fəlsəfə doktoru G.M.Quliyevanın «Azərbaycan yeni geosiyasi münasibətlər sistemində» monoqrafiyasında XX yüzilliyin 90-cı illərində müasir dünyanın siyasi mozaikasında baş vermiş qlobal xarakterli ictimai-siyasi proses və hadisələr təhlil edilir. Baş verməkdə olan dəyişikliklər Cənubi Qafqazın geosiyasi və geoiqtisadi əhəmiyyətini olduqca aktuallaşdırmışdır. Regionun lider dövləti kimi Azərbaycan Respublikasının geosiyasi mövqeyi-Böyük İpək Yolunun üzərində yerləşməsi və zəngin karbohidrogen ehtiyatları onun müasir beynəlxalq münasibətlər sisteminə inteqrasiyasında mühüm rol oynamaqdadır. Əsərdə SSRİ-nin dağılması prosesində Cənubi Qafqazda gedən azadlıq mübarizəsi təhlil edilir, region dövlətlərinin müasir geosiyasi müstəviyə çıxması yolları işıqlandırılır, Azərbaycan geosiyasəti anlayışının mahiyyəti açılır, Cənubi Qafqazda gedən proseslərdə, o cümlədən Azərbaycanın ətrafında baş verən hadisələrdə endogen və ekzogen faktorların mahiyyəti müəyyənləşdirilir, Cənubi Qafqaz regionu uğrunda gedən mübarizədə böyük oyunların rolu açılır, Rusiya, ABŞ, Türkiyə, İran, Avropa İttifaqı dövlətləri və s. beynəlxalq hüquqi subyektlərin xarici siyasətində Azərbaycanın yeri və əhəmiyyəti təhlil süzgəcindən keçirilir. Monoqrafiya beynəlxalq münasibətlər, beynəlxalq hüquq, politologiya və tarix üzrə ixtisaslaşan mütəxəssislər, ali məktəb tələbələri və geniş oxucu kütləsi üçün nəzərdə tutulmuşdur.

2025, ისტორია, არქეოლოგია, ეთნოლოგია / History, Archaeology, Ethnology

The article examines the relationships and principles of cooperation between political parties in Georgia during 1917-1919 in the context of ideological and political conflicts. These interactions developed both before and after the restoration of the country's independence. Based on primary archival sources, periodical press, memoir literature, and contemporary historiography, the article analyzes the key characteristics of the political climate in which radically different forces were forced to consolidate around common state goals. The study confirms that, despite deep ideological and tactical differences, cooperation between the parties was made possible by considering national interests. The political culture of the First Republic was grounded in democratic values. This period represents an important model in which political pluralism and mechanisms of agreement became the foundation for the political development of the country.

2025, Universidad Colegio Mayor Nuestra Senora Del Rosario Universidad Del Rosario Edocur Repositorio Institucional Disponible En Http Repository Urosario Edu Co

Anexo 2. Mapa. Propuestas de delimitación del Mar Caspio. Anexo 3. Mapa. Distribución de yacimientos petroleros en alta mar dentro del Mar Caspio. Anexo 4. Tabla y Gráfico. Participación del petróleo en los Estados Pivote (Azerbaiyán, Kazajstán, Turkmenistán) Anexo 5. Tabla y Gráfico. Participación del gas natural en los Estados Pivote (Azerbaiyán, Kazajstán, Turkmenistán) Anexo 6. Tablas. Participación del petróleo en Rusia, Irán y Turquía. Anexo 7. Mapa y tabla. Oleoducto de la Federación Rusa en la Región del Mar Caspio Anexo 8. Mapa. Propuesta del oleoducto Burgas -Alexandroupolis. Anexo 9. Mapa. Oleoducto Bakú-Novorossiysk; Oleoducto Bakú-Supsa; Bakú-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) y el Gasoducto Bakú-Tbilisi-Erzurum (BTE). Anexo 10. Tablas. Participación del gas natural en Rusia, Irán y Turquía. Anexo 11. Mapa. Reservas probadas de gas natural a finales de 2011. Anexo 12. Mapa y gráfico. Propuesta del gasoducto ruso "Nord Stream". Anexo 13. Mapa. Gasoductos iraníes en la Región del Mar Caspio. Anexo 14. Mapa. Propuesta de los gasoductos TAPI e IPI. Anexo 15. Mapa. Propuesta del gasoducto ruso "South Stream" vs. Propuesta del gasoducto europeo "Nabucco" Anexo 16. Mapa. Propuesta de ampliación para el gasoducto Nabucco.

2025

В последние десятилетия Турция значительно усилила своё политическое, военное и разведывательное присутствие на Южном Кавказе, стремясь укрепить свои позиции в регионе, исторически находившемся в сфере влияния России и Ирана. Особую роль в этой экспансии играет Национальная разведывательная организация Турции (Millî İstihbarat Teşkilatı, MIT), которая с начала 2010-х годов трансформировалась в активно действующий инструмент внешней политики. В статье рассматриваются исторические предпосылки, цели и методы работы турецкой разведки на Южном Кавказе, а также последствия её деятельности для региональной безопасности.

2025

Χερουβικὸς Ὕμνος Κυριακῆς Πέτρου πελοποννησίου, ἦχος δ' [λέγετος·πλ. β' διατονικὸς]. Ἐξήγηση Ἰωάννου Ἀρβανίτη. Ψηφιοποίηση Βασιλείου Βασίλειου

2025, Osmanlı Devleti’nin Dağıstan Siyaseti ve Hanların Tutumu (XIX. Yüzyıl)

Osmanlı Devleti'nin Dağıstan Siyaseti ve Hanların Tutumu (XIX. Yüzyıl) Öz Jeostratejik konumu nedeniyle Kuzey Kafkasya, asırlarca pek çok medeniyete ev sahipliği yapmış, tarih boyunca da güçlü devletlerin mücadelesine tanıklık etmiştir. Bilhassa Dağıstan, 1785 yılı itibariyle Çarlık Rusya'nın bölgedeki ilerleyişi karşısında oldukça dinamik bir yapıya sahip olmakla hem siyasal hem de toplumsal mobilizasyonun odağı olmuştur. Bu minvalde çalışmada Rusya'nın 19. asır itibariyle 23 milyon km²'yi aşan geniş bir coğrafyaya hâkim olduğu ve bölgedeki hâkimiyetini muhkem kılmaya çalıştığı bu yüzyılda Osmanlı Devleti'nin Dağıstan merkezli stratejik yaklaşımı analiz edilecektir. Zira Dağıstan'ın bir tampon bölge olarak işlevi ve bölgesel aktörlerin faaliyetleri neticesinde Osmanlı Devleti'nin Dağıstan'a yönelik politikası çok boyutlu bir diplomatik ve stratejik angajman şeklinde tezahür etmiştir. Bölgedeki hanlara askeri ve siyasi desteğin yanı sıra Rusya ile olan münasebetlerinin boyutu da bu çalışma için önem arz etmektedir. Nitekim Devlet Arşivleri Başkanlığı Osmanlı Arşivi ve Millî Savunma Bakanlığı Askerî Tarih ve Stratejik Etüt Daire Başkanlığı'ndan temin edilen arşiv belgelerinden faydalanılarak, XIX. yüzyılda Osmanlı Devleti'nin bölge hanları ve ahalisiyle olan temaslarına genel bir bakış açısıyla yaklaşılacaktır.

2025

In the new world order established after the collapse of the USSR at the end of the 20 th century, mutual and beneficial cooperation between states located in close geographical proximity came to the fore. In this regard, the South Caucasus, as one of the most sensitive geopolitical regions of the world with rich resources, stands out. New formats of cooperation began to emerge in the Caucasus. Georgia. Cooperation between the countries was expanded for the most part in the field of transport. Obviously, the creation of the Azerbaijan-Georgia-Türkiye triangle was caused by historical and cultural ties, geographic neighborhood, being part of a single transit corridor, favorable conditions and political will. The territory of Georgia was especially stand in need of the general infrastructure transport projects implementation in the region. Due to the fact that Georgia is a transit country, that ensures the transition between Europe and Asia. Furthermore, the aggressive policy of Armenia, another South Caucasus country, made Georgia a country of convenience. All the same, the establishment of a railway connection between the three countries has formed a favorable ground for Central Asian republics, which have great transport potential, to Türkiye and other European countries. Currently, cooperation relations between the three states in both bilateral and multilateral formats are to be remained unaltered. In terms of transport and transit issues, the region will gain a more significant position with the implementation of projects between Türkiye , Georgia, and Azerbaijan.

2025, Fuyuzat

Хаджар Юсиф гызы Вердиева, доктор исторических наук Родилась в г.Баку 18 декабря 1961 года. В 1986 году закончила с отличием исторический факультет БГУ. В 1993 году защитила кандидатскую диссертацию на тему «Население Северного Азербайджана в первой половине ХIХ века». В 2005 году защитила докторскую диссертацию на тему «Переселенческая политика Российской империи в Северном Азербайджане в ХIХ-начале ХХ вв.». Впервые в азербайджанской историографии комплексно изучила переселенческую политику Российской империи на Южном Кавказе в начале XIX-XX веков, а также показала на широкой фактологической базе массовое переселение армян в первой трети ХIХ века на земли Азербайджана расположенные севернее реки Араз. Исследует актуальные проблемы Кавказа: мультикультуральные пласты Азербайджана, родословную армян, историю армяногригорианской церкви, проблему беженцев-мусульман в годы Первой мировой войны и геноцид азербайджанцев в начале ХХ века. Изучает этноконфессиональные проблемы по-новому и новейшему периодам истории Южно-Кавказского мегарегиона.

2025, ეროვნული უსაფრთხოების პოლიტიკის შემუშავების მექანიზმები სამხრეთ კავკასიის რეგიონის აქტორების მაგალითზე

The thesis is dedicated to research on the stability conditions of national security. In particular, in the dissertation, the essence of national security and the matrix of security models are analyzed on the example of the actors of the South Caucasus region. The article highlights the influence of the conditions of the military balance in the region on the development of the national security policy of the (local) actors of the South Caucasus region. It is also determined how important the conditions of the military balance are for the development of mechanisms of the national security policy of the actors of the South Caucasus region. In addition, the article talks about the influence of the regional-global geopolitical balance on the formation of the regional security system, and the role and approaches of the international community, which are important for determining stable security conditions in the South Caucasus region, are studied. The subject of the study was the security of the South Caucasus region. And the object of the research was the actors of the South Caucasus region and their national security strategy. Within the framework of the research, proven qualitative research methods in international relations were used: discussion of existing theoretical material, content analysis and drawing conclusions through event analysis. Also, case analysis, and situational analysis. And as a result of processing the presented information and strategic political documents, a basis was created to prepare SWOT analysis. It should be noted that, the work reviews the essence of the concept of national security, its development history and classification. The historical stages of the integration of the Caucasus and the geopolitical characteristics of the region are defined. The influence of geoeconomics and geopolitics on the perception of security and the formulation of foreign policy directions is presented. On the example of the actors of the South Caucasus region, the paper examines the influence of international factors on the development of the national security strategy. A case study of a specific region is reviewed, according to the theory of the regional security complex. Also, a comparative analysis of the regional security stability conditions of the South Caucasus is presented. The paper describes the matrix of national security models of the actors of the South Caucasus region, a comparative analysis of its principles and national interests. Here, a comparative analysis, of the weaknesses and advantages of the concept of national security is presented, which, in general, allows us to evaluate and form our attitude in relation to these concepts. The final part of the paper combines the results and recommendations, which will allow the development and promotion of security directions on a regional scale. In conclusion, it can be said that the goal of the study - the comparison of different national security strategies - has been achieved, as the national security environment of the main actors of the South Caucasus region has been identified within the framework of the study, and based on their classification, a strategic analysis has been presented.

2025

This thesis aims to contribute to the debates on the Justice and Development Party (JDP) era Turkish foreign policy by putting Turkey into the regional security complex theory and examines changes and continuities of Turkey's traditional cautious, relatively "passive" role and "relative indifference" stance towards the Middle East security complex. Hence, the framework of analysis is the regional security complex theory, attributed roles and role changes of Turkey within regional security complexes. This study, with a historical perspective and within the framework of the regional security complex theory, questions continuities and changes in the JDP period Turkish foreign policy, and comes to the conclusion that in the JDP era, Turkey's role is going beyond the insulator state function to the "interface logic" which adopts a loose form of geographical boundaries.

2025, Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe

As Altstadt has pointed out, "at the most fundamental level the clash concerns a piece of land", which the peoples of both Armenia and Azerbaijan "regard as historic patrimony and the present conflict is therefore bound up... more

2025, Kafkasya Özgürlük Mücadelesi - Haydar Bammat (I. Kitap)

The most obvious feature distinguishing this work, the first book in a series examining the struggle for freedom and independence in the North Caucasus during the interwar years, is that it is prepared based on previously unexamined primary sources. Dr. Haydar Bammat, who played an important role in the political history of the North Caucasus, preserved thousands of original documents from the first sixty years of the 20th century in his private archive. This archive, which was donated to the Research Center for Islamic History, Art and Culture (IRCICA) of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation by his heirs in 1990, remained closed for thirty-three years for various reasons. The author's persistent requests for access to the archive yielded results in 2023, and after an intensive work, he prepared the first book of the series for readers. The author, who also had the opportunity to study the relevant funds recently made available to researchers by the German Federal Archives, presented this groundbreaking work to the attention of the scientific world as an original contribution to the field.
ISBN: 9786057126351

2025, Akademik tarih ve düşünce dergisi

Статья посвящена проблеме использования в СМИ и научных изданиях географического и условно используемого термина «Восточная Армения», как идеологического обоснования армянских претензий на территории Азербайджана и Турции. Армянские и некоторые западные, российские СМИ и научные круги условно введенный 250-300 лет назад термин «Восточная Армения», стремятся выдать за древнее самоназвание обширных территорий турецкой Анатолии и кавказских земель Азербайджана. Искажая и фальсифицируя источники, понятие «Восточная Армения», превращается со стороны армянских националистов в идеологическое оружие, которым оправдывают этнические чистки против мусульманского тюркского населения и территориальные претензии Армении к Азербайджану и Турции.

2025, Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University. Faculty of Humanities. Institute of Georgian History Proceedings. XX. Tbilisi

The Germans left their homeland and emigrated far away in the 18th and especially the 19th centuries for political, religious, economic and personal reasons. Thousands of people left the German states of that time every year. They went to... more

2025, Chronos, Journal of the Ivane Javakhishvili Institute of History and Ethnology, № 5 / ქრონოსი, ივანე ჯავახიშვილის სახელობის ისტორიისა და ეთნოლოგიის ინსტიტუტის ჟურნალი, № 5

From the beginning of the 19th century, the intensive expansion and colonial policy implemented by Russia in Georgia created a special situation in the mountainous region of Shida Kartli, a historical-geographical region of eastern Georgia, which became an area of Georgian-Ossetian relations as a result of migrations.
The political and demographic situation in the region enhanced Georgian-Ossetian confrontation and alienation. Church, missionary and religious policy played an important role in forming the political reality and Georgian-Ossetian relations desirable for the empire.
The research aims to show the ethnopolitical context of the ecclesiastical rule of the Russian Empire in Georgia in the first half of the 19th century in the case of the mountainous part of Shida Kartli; to evaluate the influence of Russia’s religious policy, missionary Organizations and ecclesiastical-administrative system on the formation of Georgian-Ossetian relations; to show how the ethnic terminology gained political connotation and the role that Russian church policy played in this respect.
At the beginning of the 19th century, the Georgian national liberation movement and the anti-Russian struggle for regaining state independence were also supported by the Ossetian population of Shida Kartli; this meant that they approved of vassalage and loyalty to the Georgian state. From the 1820s-30s, Russian authorities started changing their policy towards the Ossetians in this region: they tried to turn the confronted anti-Russian forces into allies. Russia’s religious and ecclesiastical-administrative policy carried out in the highlands of Shida Kartli provided for the enhancement of the Ossetian unity on the territory of Georgia, the formation of new borders, the changing of toponymic lexis and igniting Georgian-Ossetian confrontation.
The establishment of the „Eparchy of Ossetia“ (1814-1818) – an ecclesiastical administrative unit – in the highlands of Shida Kartli, under which a missionary Organization „Ossetian Ecclesiastical Commission“ started operating, encouraged the creation of new imaginary borders.
In 1843, the creation of an administrative-political unit – „Ossetian Okrug“ – actually legitimized new borders and established the toponym „Ossetia“ on the territory of Georgia. Implementation of such policy in the border region led to the loss of the territory of Dvaleti, a historical province of Georgia: in 1859, „Ossetian Okrug“ was deprived of the district of Nari (Dvaleti) and, at first, annexed it to the „Military Okrug of Ossetia“, created in the North Caucasus, and then to the „Terek Oblast“; later, the Soviet authority united it with „North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic“ (1924).
The term „South Ossetia“ was first applied concerning the territories of Shida Kartli that were inhabited by Ossetians in 1830 by the newspaper „Tiflisskie Vedomosti“ (Tiflis Gazette); however, in the 1860es of the 19th century formally it was first mentioned in the reports of a missionary Organization the „Society for Restoration of Orthodox Christianity in the Caucasus“, which was founded after the abolishment of „Ossetian Ecclesiastical Commission“. This laid the grounds for establishing a toponymic pair – „North Ossetia“ and „South Ossetia“.
Thus, one can identify the role of Russia’s church and religious policy in establishing the terms „Ossetia“, „Eparchy of Ossetia“, „Ossetian Okrug“, and „South Ossetia“ with respect to the territories of Georgia, namely those of Shida Kartli, Initially, this terminology was established through ecclesiastical-administrative and missionary policy, which was later consolidated employing political-administrative Reorganization. In order to enhance its influence and form new borders, the Russian Empire successfully incorporated the religious factor as a ‘non-violent’ instrument of gaining power and influence.
The toponymic lexicon of Shida Kartli Highland areas established during the Tsar’s Russia – „Ossetia“, „Eparchy of Ossetia“, „Ossetian Okrug“, and „South Ossetia“ – was transformed in the new political reality in occupied and Sovietized Georgia at the beginning of the 20th century as „South Ossetian Autonomous Oblast of the Georgian SSR“ (1922).
The introduction of these terms in Georgian onomastics was an ethnopolitical and toponymic attack. The policy of Tsarist Russia laid the groundwork for the territorial claims of Ossetians in Georgia as early as the 19th century, with consequences that later manifested as ethno-conflicts in modern times. Presently, a certain part of Shida Kartli (Tskhinvali region/former South Ossetian Autonomous Oblast of Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic) is the zone of ethnic conflict and is beyond the control of the Georgian authorities.

2025, Что означает "традиционный" или "местный" ислам: опыт имплементации в таджикистанском обществе https://cabar.asia/ru/chto-oznachaet-traditsionnyj-ili-mestnyj-islam-opyt-implementatsii-v-tadzhikistanskom-obshhestve

Что означает "традиционный" или "местный" ислам: опыт имплементации в таджикистанском обществе
«Хотя определения “традиционный” и “толерантный” не совсем корректно применимы к религии и различным ее течениям, однако, последние два десятка лет они часто фигурируют в официальной политической риторике и информационном пространстве», — отмечает в своей статье, написанной специально для аналитической платформы CABAR.asia, эксперт по религии Рустам Азизи.
Краткое изложение статьи:
С обретением независимости, перед бывшими республиками СССР актуализировались проблемы, связанные с религией;
Утверждение ханафитского мазхаба в истории Центральной Азии связано с династией Саманидов, при правлении которой мазхаб приобрел статус официального;
Возрождение реформации и модернизации ханафитского мазхаба началось в 1970-х годах, то есть в период расцвета СССР и его атеистической идеологии;
Конец 1990-х и начало 2000-х показало неготовность местных религиозных деятелей и институтов к конкуренции с новой волной и ответу новым вызовам;
В противостояние “старой” и “новой” волны вмешалось государство, и оно сделало выбор в пользу традиций. Ханафитский мазхаб чуть ли не объявлен официальным религиозным течением Таджикистана;
Опыт Таджикистана в данной сфере отмечают и изучают соседние государства.

2025, Ideological transofmation of Third Dasi of Georgian Social Democratic party between 1892-1905 / ქართული სოციალ-დემოკრატიული პარტიის (მესამე დასის) იდეოლოგიური ტრანსფორმაცია 1892-1905 წლებში

The Master thesis investigates ideological transformation of Third Dasi (Social Democratic Party of Georgia) from 1892 till 1905, This can be marked as the fundamental phase for establishment and further growth of the first Georgian... more

2025, როინ მეტრეველი 85. კრებული ეძღვნება როინ მეტრეველი 85 წლის იუბილეს

1923 წლის 12-13 ივლისს პოლონეთის ქალაქ ბიდგოშჩის ოფიცერთა სკოლაში ჩატარდა ამ სკოლის მსმენელი, ქართველი ოფიცრების გამოცდა. ბიდგოშჩის სამხედრო სკოლის მსმენელმა ქართველმა ოფიცრებმა ჩააბარეს პრაქტიკული და თეორიული გამოცდები. პრაქტიკული გამოცდაში შედიოდა: ტანვარჯიში, ხელჩართული ბრძოლა, პრაქტიკული გამოცდა. ეს უკანასკნელი მოიცავდა: ტყვიამფრქვევს, სპეციალურ იარაღს, სროლას, საველე სამსახურს და საბრძოლო ხელოვნებას. თეორიული გამოცდა გულისხმობდა: ტაქტიკა, ტოპოგრაფია, საველე ფორტიფიკაცია, არმიის ორგანიზაცია, შეიარაღება, მომწამვლელი გაზები, კავშირგაბმულობა.

2025, Regional Integration Efforts in The Post-Cold War USSR Geography The Eurasian Economic Union

ABD"nin post-Sovyet bölgesi ve Asya-Pasifik coğrafyasındaki egemen güç olma çabası, bölge ülkelerine karĢı çevreleme politikası izlemesi, Çin ve Rusya Federasyonu dâhil birçok ülkeyi rahatsız etmiĢtir. Böyle bir uluslararası ortamda, post-Sovyet bölgesinde bağımsızlıklarını ilan eden ülkelerin ekonomik, siyasi ve sosyal sorunlarını çözmek amacıyla kurulan Avrasya Ekonomik ĠĢ birliği Örgütü (AEB), stratejik hedeflere odaklanarak zamansal bir evrim geçirmiĢtir. Bu yapılanma, günümüzde iliĢkilerini çeĢitlendirip, politika, ekonomi, güvenlik ve diplomasi alanlarında geliĢim göstererek, post-Sovyet coğrafyasındaki önemli bir stratejik oluĢum aĢamasına gelmiĢtir. Bu çalıĢma, post-Sovyet coğrafyasındaki yeni stratejik oluĢumları inceleyerek, bölgedeki entegrasyon süreçlerinin somut bir yansıması olan Avrasya Ekonomik ĠĢ birliği Örgütü"nün önemini ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. ÇalıĢmada, "Avrasya Ekonomik ĠĢ birliği Örgütü"ne üye devletlerin, politika, güvenlik, ekonomi ve diğer alanlardaki iĢ birliğini geliĢtirerek post-Sovyet coğrafyasındaki güçlü bir bölgesel entegrasyon yapısına ulaĢabilecekleri" hipotezi test edilmiĢtir. ÇalıĢmada, post-Sovyet coğrafyası hakkında genel bilgi verilerek, Soğuk SavaĢ ve sonrasındaki bölgesel geliĢmeler ele alınmıĢ ve Avrasya Ekonomik Birliği"nin önemi vurgulanmıĢtır.

2025, South Caucasus in I-V Centuries

This monograph presents a comprehensive study of the ancient Greek-Roman and Eastern sources concerning the South Caucasus from the 1st to the 5th century AD, systematically analyzing them within a unified cultural and political... more

2025

У цій книзі роману йдеться про боротьбу за трон батька Сулеймана (майбутнього султана Сулеймана Пишного) – шехзаде Селіма, який воював зі старшими братами. І тут величезну роль також зіграв Крим. Адже тамтешній хан Менглі Гірей, як і у випадку із шехзаде Мехмедом, зробив його брата Селіма своїм зятем. Як це вплинуло на хід подій? І чи підтримала таке рішення Хафса – мати Сулеймана?
Відповіді на ці запитання – на сторінках книги.

2025

ملخص تنفيذي: شكّلت قضية ناغورنو كاراباخ وسيلة إلهاء "مفيدة" لقيادتي كل من أرمينيا وأذربيجان، لصرف انتباههما عن ضعف مؤسساتهما الديمقراطية، والقمع السياسي، والفساد، وانعدام الاستقلال الإقليمي. وقد ساهم ارتباطهما المشترك بالقوة الإقليمية، روسيا، في الحفاظ على إمكاناتهما الإقليمية وفرصهما الاقتصادية، بالإضافة إلى آفاق التفاهم المتبادل والتقدم الاقتصادي. وقد لعب التنافس الجيوسياسي الدولي دورًا مدمرًا في تفاقم الصراع الثنائي الذي ينذر بمزيد من التصعيد، ويسعى إلى استمرار صراع لم يُحل لفترة أطول. وقد كشف الموقف الجيوسياسي المعزز لروسيا عن الواقع الصارخ للصراعات المجمدة في دائرة نفوذها. وقد أضاف دخول تركيا وتهميش الاتحاد الأوروبي والغرب الفعلي بُعدًا جديدًا للصراع الإقليمي الذي لم يُحل بعد. ورغم برودة العلاقات التركية الإسرائيلية، يجد كل منهما نفسه مستفيدًا من الصراع دبلوماسيًا واستراتيجيًا.

2025, Journal of Politics and Law

Since the 1979 revolution, the Islamic Republic of Iran has generally pursued an ideological foreign policy. While Iran's stance on Nagorno-Karabakh has shown occasional variations, it has maintained a consistent approach within its own framework. Overall, Iran has approached the Nagorno-Karabakh issue, which has persisted for thirty years, with considerable sensitivity. The primary source of this sensitivity is the significant Turkish population in Iran, particularly the South Azerbaijani Turks. However, Azerbaijan's growing alliance with Turkey, the strengthening of Turkey's influence in the Caucasus, and Azerbaijan's developing relations with the U.S. and Israel have raised concerns in Iran. Despite ostensibly supporting Shia-majority Azerbaijan, Iran has often aligned its policy with Armenia. This study aims to outline this process in broad terms. Additionally, it highlights the impact of Iran's foreign policy on establishing the geoeconomic and geostrategic equation in the region and emphasizes how the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has become a key, if not deadlocked, element in Iran-Azerbaijan relations.

2025

The paper reviews security concepts regarding strategies for Georgian national defense. During the past years, several documents were issued about Georgian national security. These documents are drivers for strengthening institutions and the national security of the country. The author describes co-relations beet documents on national and agency levels in the first section of the text. While analyzing the documents, the author identified some shortfalls that require further development. In addition, he recognized the importance of developing a military strategy document on an interagency level (General Staff Level) that defines an operational and tactical way of war which shapes force requirements and capability development to achieve the objectives of Georgian national defense.
The given research effort critiques conventional (regular/linear) thinking as a challenge to Georgian military planners. The author identified regular/linear thinking as a challenge in developing a military strategy. It offers recommendations for developing an appropriate military strategy based on an indirect approach. Within the strategy framework, GDF should adopt an “indirect/irregular” way of thinking to counter Russian tactics and create effects that deny Russia from achieving its military objects. Such a frame involves adapting a strategy relevant to a weaker country like Georgia when fighting a stronger enemy. In this regard, “Exhaustion Warfare” is the most suitable form of strategy, as it focuses on exhausting the enemy by destroying its resources and the will to fight while making war too costly to achieve.1 This strategy supports the Georgian National Defense objectives by linking the means to ends while producing the desired outcome.

2025, TURAN: AKADEMİK İLİM, FİKİR ve SOSYAL BİLİMLER DERGİSİ / TURAN: JOURNAL of ACADEMIC KNOWLEDGE, THOUGHT and SOCIAL SCIENCES

Kafkasya, stratejik konumu ve tarihî önemi ile Türkiye’de akademik çalışmaların sıkça odaklandığı bir bölgedir. Bu çalışmamızda, Türkiye’de Kafkasya ile ilgili yapılan tez çalışmalarının değerlendirilmesi amaçlanmıştır. Çalışma, Kafkasya üzerine yapılan tezlerin genel eğilimlerini, tematik dağılımlarını ve metodolojik yaklaşımlarını incelemektedir. Öncelikle, Türkiye’deki üniversitelerde hazırlanan tezlerin kapsamlı bir literatür taraması yapılmış, bu tezlerin konuları, tarihsel süreçleri ve coğrafi odak noktaları belirlenmiştir. Bu bağlamda, Kafkasya bölgesine yönelik tezlerin büyük bir kısmının tarih, uluslararası ilişkiler ve siyaset bilimi disiplinlerinde yoğunlaştığı tespit edilmiştir. Ayrıca, bölgedeki etnik gruplar, kültürel etkileşimler, enerji politikaları ve güvenlik konuları da sıkça araştırılan konular arasında yer almaktadır. Tez çalışmalarının metodolojik yaklaşımları incelendiğinde, çoğunlukla nitel araştırma yöntemlerinin tercih edildiği, arşiv belgeleri ve birincil kaynakların yoğun kullanıldığı görülmektedir. Bununla birlikte, son yıllarda nicel yöntemlerin yanında karma araştırma yöntemleri de tez çalışmalarında kullanılmıştır.
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The Caucasus, with its strategic position and historical significance, is a region frequently studied in academic research in Türkiye. This study aims to evaluate thesis works related to the Caucasus conducted in Turkiye. The paper examines the general trends, thematic distributions and methodological approaches of theses on the Caucasus. First, an extensive literature review of theses prepared at universities in Türkiye was conducted, identifying their subjects, historical contexts, and geographical focal points. In this context, it was determined that a significant portion of the theses on the Caucasus focuses on the disciplines of history, international relations, and political science. Additionally, topics such as ethnic groups in the region, cultural interactions, energy policies, and security issues are also frequently explored. When examining the methodological approaches of these thesis works, it was observed that qualitative research methods are predominantly preferred, with extensive use of archival documents and primary sources. However, in recent years, alongside quantitative methods, mixed research methodologies have also been employed in thesis studies.

2025

This work examines the forced deportation of Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh (also known as Artsakh in Armenian) by Azerbaijan, defining it as ethnic cleansing. Drawing on Freedom House’s comprehensive report on the topic, and the... more

2025, Caucasus Analytical Digest

This paper discusses the relations between the Republic of Armenia and the Islamic Republic of Iran across three inter-related dimensions: first, the presence of the prominent Armenian community in Iran; second, economic ties between the... more

2025, მოგზაურობა დრამატურგიის სამყაროში

დრამატურგიის თეორია (პროგრამა) ესაა დრამატურგიის თეორიის ლექციების კურსის პროგრამა, რომელსაც ვკითხულობდი 1987-2020 წლებში თბილისის სხვადასხვა სახელოვნებო სასწავლებელში. სასარგებლო იქნება მომავალი სცენარისტებისა და დრამატურგებისათვის,... more

2025

Редактор серии И. Мартынюк Шаблей, П.; Сартори, П. Ш13 Дело Мансурова: империя и суфизм в Казахской степи / Павел Шаблей, Паоло Сартори. -М.: Новое литературное обозрение, 2025. -224 с.: ил. (Серия Historia Rossica) ISBN 978-5-4448-2645-4 В мае 1854 года российские имперские власти арестовали ишана Мухаммада Шарифа Мансурова по подозрению в заговорщических замыслах. Длившееся около девяти лет следствие породило информационную панику и слухи о возможных массовых беспорядках в Казахской степи на религиозной почве и привлекло публичное внимание, в том числе и со стороны правящих кругов. Почему фигура суфия Мансурова так интересовала колониальную администрацию и чем он представлял опасность? Какими знаниями о суфизме в Казахской степи в конце XVIII -первой половине XIX века обладали правительственные чиновники? Отличалось ли их восприятие этого исламского религиозного течения определенной объективностью или же опиралось на стереотипы и фантазии ориенталистского характера? В поисках ответов на эти вопросы П. Шаблей и П. Сартори обращаются к истории возникновения и контексту этого драматического дела. Анализируя его документальную основу и выводы привлеченных к следствию экспертов, авторы книги показывают, как дело Мансурова очерчивало изъяны российской колониальной системы управления и демонстрировало отсутствие последовательности у имперской политики по отношению к исламу и суфизму. Павел Шаблей -к. и. н., доцент Костанайского филиала Челябинского государственного университета; Паоло Сартори -сотрудник Академии наук Австрии, редактор журнала Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient.

2025, Vestnik RUDN International Relations

The article is devoted to the formation of foreign policy priorities of the Republic of Armenia and Georgia, and related processes in the South Caucasus in the 1990s. We consider their impact on the development of the Armenian-Georgian relations. The author draws attention to the key importance of the period, when the newly independent state, along with numerous internal problems, make decisions on matters of foreign policy. Also analyzes the factors of internal nature, affecting the bilateral relations in the framework of regional security. The author draws attention to the fact that the implementation of the military-political and economic projects there was a factor of manipulation on the part of the States concerned, that would lead to the division of the region into zones of influence. Special emphasis is placed also on the Georgian-Turkish relations in the region. In the military sphere, not only Georgia, but also aroused the interest of the Republic of Armenia from Turkey. Th...

2025, NEW ERA INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF INTERDISCIPLINARY SOCIAL RESEARCHES

After the Islamic Revolution of Iran, Southern intellectuals for the first time began to perform high-level theoretical studies on the people, language and culture of Azerbaijan. Although the Iran-Iraq war pushed the unresolved national issue into the background, at the same time, the problem deepened the process of national self-awareness. After the war, in the conditions of the reform atmosphere in Iran, the struggle of the Azerbaijani intellectuals began to take on a mass character, became centralized and took an organized form. The impact of the processes taking place in North Azerbaijan (gained independence) can be clearly seen here.In the 1990s, the national intelligentsia, including students, showed an emotional reaction to the events that took place in Northern Azerbaijan, and against the background of these events, within the framework of Iranian legislation, the extension of the rights of the mother tongue, the cessation of the assimilation of the Azerbaijani language on Iranian radio and television, the protection of national-cultural monuments, etc. such demands were made.

2025, PEARSON JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES

The article deals with the policy of assimilation carried out at the state level against non-Persian peoples living in the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1979-2005, including the rights of Azerbaijani Turks to their first language. The article notes that after the victory of the revolution, the attitude of the political, socio-political organizations formed by the Azerbaijani Turks in Iran to the options for resolving the national issue at these stages differs depending on events in the world and the region, as well as the existing socio-political atmosphere in Iran. In their opinion, increasing the functionality of the Azerbaijani language and giving it official status is a more pressing issue against the background of other problems.

2025

The processes occurring in the world politics of the first half of the 20th century, which were the result of the First World War serious consequences, were reflected in Transcaucasia, including Georgia. After all this, the country has become the geostrategic struggle between Russian i.e. the Soviet government and the Western countries. Even in the course of peace conference new tendencies were outlined in Batumi. The imperialistic policy of Turkey became unacceptable for Germany. Such changes in foreign policy of Germany had been caused by the fact that Georgia carried out the function of the bridge between Europe and Asia. In May 26 1918, the National Council was held, which declared the independence of Georgia. National government realized that if they could not get the recognition of Georgian independence from Russia, there would be less possibility for the leading European countries to recognize it either. For this reason, G. Khundadze was dispatched for the diplomatic mission ...

2025, КАВКАЗ В XX ВЕКЕ. ИТОГИ, УРОКИ, НАМЕКИ ИСТОРИИ // Россия XXI. 2017. № 6. С. 6-31.

Как преломились трагические перипетии XX века в судьбах кавказских народов? В какой степени постсоветская история Южного Кавказа связана с предшествующей эпохой? Чего здесь больше: закономерности или стихийности? Пригодны ли исторические уроки в качестве основы для построения будущего без войн и потрясений? Автор статьи пытался лишь поставить эти вопросы, понимая, что найти ответы на них в условиях сегодняшней неопределенности невозможно.
The author focuses on the profound impact the turbulent XXth century had on the destinies of the Caucasus people. In some cases he also tries to cautiously approach the age-old question “what if” when it comes to nowadays developments in the South Caucasus, the former part of the Soviet Union. Whatever the answer, any scholar could feel free to ponder over the future of the Eurasian space in terms of either optimistic or pessimistic scenarios.

2025, სტუდენტური საისტორიო ძიებანი III

ალექსანდრე დიდის (Μέγας Αλέξανδρος, ძვ.წ. 336-323) იმპერიის დაშლისა და დიოდოხოსების (Διάδοχοι) მიერ მისი გაყოფის შემდეგ, სამ კონტინენტზე, ევროპაში, აზიასა და აფრიკაში წარმოიქმნა ელინისტური სახელმწიფოები: პტოლემაიოსების (Πτολεμαῖοι) ეგვიპტის სამეფო, სელევკიდების (Σελευκίδαι) სამეფო, ატალიდების დინასტიის (Δυναστεία των Ατταλιδών) პერგამონის სამეფო და მაკედონია, (Μακεδονία) რომლის ტახტი, ხანგრძლივი შიდა დაპირისპირების შემდეგ ანტიგონიდების (Ἀντιγονίδαι) ხელში აღმოჩნდა. აღსანიშნავია, რომ ძვ.წ. II საუკუნიდან მოყოლებული ყველა ელინისტური სახელმწიფო გვიანი პერიოდის რომის რესპუბლიკამ (ძვ.წ. III-I სს) დაიპყრო.

2025

The Incorporation of Abkhazia into the Georgian Republic with the Support of the German Empire in 1918: A Historical Analysis.

2025, SADAB 7th International Conference on Social Researches and Behavioral Sciences

After 1900s, the demand and use of energy started to increase in parallel with to the development of mechanization and technology. Increasing energy demand has led to a competitive environment, and petrol and natural gas resources have gained strategic importance. In the 21st century, energy as a sector constitutes important parameters in measuring the level of development of countries. Strategic energy policies have taken on a different dimension between the Russian Federation which has rich resources in petrol with natural gas and Turkey which has geopolitical importance. Turkey’s position and role are of great importance in the access of these resources to the world and European markets.
In this study, topics such as Turkey's energy strategy and consumption, and the guarantee of petrol and natural gas imported from the Russian Federation is discussed. In addition, it is also discussed that Turkey’s attemptson being become an energy bridge between Europe and Russia as well as the necessity to lay the foundation of reciprocal persistent economic dependency between Turkey and Russia. In the conclusion chapter, it is discussed that there is a need to researchon alternative energy sources and markets for Turkey which has a significant energy dependence on the Russian Federation.